While Russia’s invasion has generated unprecedented international interest in Ukrainian studies, it has also had a profound and overwhelmingly negative impact on the academic community in Ukraine itself. This must be taken into account. After all, the international development of Ukrainian studies depends largely on the state of academia in Ukraine. As Andriy Zayarnyuk wrote last year, “the center of Ukrainian studies is now in Ukraine.”

A recent report evaluating the current state of Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar studies identified more than 160 study centers located mainly in North America and Europe. Ukrainian studies centers are mostly placed within Slavic studies departments, with courses tending to focus on Ukrainian culture, language, and literature rather than politics and economics.

Europe has the most centers primarily concentrated in Germany, Austria, Switzerland, and Poland. Notably, Ukrainian studies remains virtually nonexistent in some neighborhood countries such as Romania and Turkey. This absence became particularly evident following Russia’s full-scale invasion, with a recent survey of Ukrainian studies professionals identifying increased demand for expert commentary.

Even in countries with Ukrainian studies programs, the focus is often limited. Universities typically employ individual lecturers who offer courses on Ukrainian topics which can change from semester to semester. Factors leading to the closure of Ukrainian studies centers include lack of funding, lack of student interest, weak institutionalization, and reliance on the activities of individual researchers.

A more comprehensive approach to Ukrainian studies is clearly needed. This should include the establishment of Ukrainian professorships to make studies an integral part of the academic environment and less exposed to changes in political preferences.

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Growing international interest in Ukraine as a result of Russia’s invasion has already boosted the field of Ukrainian studies. Universities have been able to bypass bureaucracy to host more people from Ukraine, with a diverse range of Ukrainian academics fleeing the war and arriving in the West over the past fifteen months. Among students, interest in Ukrainian studies has never been higher. The challenge is to ensure this does not become a mere passing fad.

To make Ukrainian studies more resilient in the long run, Ukrainian topics need to be integrated into existing classes on subjects such as Soviet or Russian imperial history, or even European studies, contemporary politics, and international relations. The goal should be to make Ukraine part of the conversation on different issues.

At the same time, much will depend on parallel progress in Ukraine. Key objectives include translating source materials, integrating Western academic practices, and improving English skills among the academic community.

Wartime realities in Ukraine have created new possibilities for Ukrainian academia but have also deepened many of the problems that existed before the invasion. Much of the country’s educational infrastructure has been destroyed, but the impact on human capital has been even more devastating. In short, Ukraine is currently losing many of its best people including significant numbers of irreplaceable academic professionals.

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Ukraine’s universities are currently in survival mode but reform is also on the agenda. Just one day before the full-scale invasion began in February 2022, the Ukrainian government adopted a new two-year development strategy for the country’s higher education system. The Ministry of Education has since announced that it will use this strategy as a road map for the reconstruction and continuation of reforms in the post-war period. However, the strategy was designed before the war and does not target the specific problems caused by Russia’s invasion.

Last month, Oksen Lisovyi was appointed as Ukraine’s new Minister of Education. It is not yet clear whether he intends to implement radical reform with long-term goals or keep the existing higher education system largely in place. While support for change is widespread, many within the academic community and education industry also appear to favor a more conservative approach.

Ukraine may not have the luxury of time for an extended debate. Funding for education has been severely cut as a result of the Russian invasion, with academics struggling to survive on inadequate salaries. This is forcing many to consider a career change. Others have left their university positions to serve in the army. It is not clear how many will return to academia, or whether they will have jobs to return to.

Students also find themselves confronted by harsh realities. With no end in sight to the Russian invasion, today’s Ukrainian high school graduates face a choice between an uncertain fate in their homeland or exploring the wide range of study options currently available at European and North American universities.

Ukraine’s universities have responded to the challenges of the invasion with ingenuity, utilizing tools developed during the Covid pandemic to switch to distance learning. However, uncertainty over the future looms large.

Some Ukrainian universities still maintain cooperation with Western institutions, but these relationships typically depend on prewar ties and offer one-sided academic mobility enabling Ukrainian scholars and students to study abroad. It would be good to see European and North American universities launch more nonresident fellowships for Ukrainians who are unwilling or unable to leave the country.

It may also be time to consider establishing new platforms and institutions for collaboration between Ukrainian scholars and their international colleagues. Ukraine can offer opportunities for Western academics focused on the Soviet and Russian empires who are no longer able to access Russian archives. Ukraine’s State Archive Service has been digitizing materials for some time and has introduced a united search system of Ukrainian archives.

The past year of war has sparked unprecedented interest in Ukrainian studies while creating both huge challenges and exciting opportunities. Ukrainian studies is now widely recognized as an important field that requires far more international attention. Looking ahead, the discussion must address both institutional and practical issues. The most important task at this stage is to prevent the further erosion of Ukraine’s academic potential and create the conditions for sustainable post-war development.

Oleksandra Gaidai is a Department of History postdoctoral fellow at American University.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Apr 8, 2023

Human wave tactics are demoralizing the Russian army in Ukraine

By Olivia Yanchik

Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine has not gone according to plan but he still hopes to win a long war of attrition. However, Russia’s reliance on human wave tactics risks undermining morale within his invading army, writes Olivia Yanchik.

Conflict Defense Policy

UkraineAlert Apr 6, 2023

NATO poses a threat to Russian imperialism not Russian security

By Peter Dickinson

Russia’s passive acceptance of neighboring Finland’s NATO membership raises serious questions over the Kremlin’s efforts to portray the invasion of Ukraine as a response to NATO expansion, writes Peter Dickinson.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Mar 8, 2023

Ukrainians will never surrender. How long can they count on the West?

By Serhiy Prytula

Ukraine’s remarkable resistance during the first days of the Russian invasion convinced the democratic world to back the country but with Putin now preparing for a long war, continued Western resolve is vital writes Serhiy Prytula.

Civil Society Conflict

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Russia’s invasion highlights the need to invest more in Ukrainian studies appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Seventy-eight years after World War II, as facts fade and fewer survivors remain, the Holocaust risks being forgotten. This natural amnesia is compounded by widespread campaigns to revise or repress Holocaust history. International Holocaust Remembrance Day on January 27 and Holocaust Remembrance Day (Yom Hashoah) on April 17 are important annual observances to counter these trends, but much more needs to be done year-round. Surprisingly, the Arab world may soon become a world leader in rejecting denialism to reassert “Never again!”

Present events constantly reshape the perceptions of the past and, indirectly, future outcomes. There are people in every country around the world who claim that the Holocaust never took place. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, Holocaust denial is mainly a trend among the younger generation due to a lack of Holocaust education in schools and after-school activities. For decades, the Holocaust has been a taboo subject, politicized and conflated with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in official discourse. Historical truth is clouded, if not overshadowed, by key actors in the Arab world who connect Israeli state policies and the Jewish people worldwide—past and present, using them interchangeably, as if they were one. Opposition to Israel becomes resistance to the reality of Jewish suffering and injustice done to Jews in the past.

As a result, the Holocaust was absent from public consciousness until 2009, when Morocco’s King Mohammed VI became the first Arab leader to recognize the Holocaust by addressing the matter in a message addressed to the launch event of the Aladdin Project at UNESCO in Paris.

“Amnesia has no effect on my understanding of the Holocaust, or that of my people,” said the king, adding, “We must together endeavor to reassert reason and the values which underpin the legitimacy of a space of co-existence where the words of dignity, justice, and freedom will express themselves in the same way and will coexist, with the same requirements, regardless of our origins, cultures or spiritual ties. This is our interpretation, in Morocco, of the duty of remembrance dictated by the Shoah.”

Speaking at international conferences and forums devoted to the Holocaust and intercultural dialogue, King Mohammed VI and representatives of the Moroccan government have frequently emphasized the significance of denouncing anti-Semitism, instilling togetherness, and religious coexistence in Moroccan society, learning from the lessons of the Holocaust, and highlighting the crucial role that education plays in this context.

Challenges for Holocaust education in the Arab world

Past efforts at Holocaust education in the Arab world have too often suffered from a lack of context-specific sensitivity. In contrast to the king’s speech, which expresses the values and ideals of the Moroccan tradition as the basis for affirming Holocaust remembrance, others have simply translated Euro-centric Holocaust materials into Arabic, mainly from fear by civil society actors they would be blamed for “normalizing” with Israel if they tried to teach about the Holocaust. To effectively use Holocaust education as a tool for genocide prevention, the content should be tailored to Arab audiences using relevant wording, metaphors, names, and historical events.

In contrast to other areas of the world, World War II battles were fought, and Jews of the MENA region, directly or indirectly, experienced the Holocaust. Employing this little-known history in creating educational content is essential to sparking children’s imagination.

On the other hand, if this would only be a requirement, rather than a shared process of mutual development, educators would not take ownership of these materials and will lack the motivation to use these materials towards the essential goal of developing Holocaust education within the Arab world.

The power of participation

Today, initiatives all over the Middle East and North Africa try to promote Holocaust education through standard education approaches. However, teacher-to-student Holocaust education, while powerful, cannot reach the vast audience in need of this vital information and perspective. There is an increasing need to use state-of-the-art media, including those that allow for online sharing of ideas. While the hateful have exploited the Internet to spread racism, Holocaust denial, and other destructive ideologies, it can also serve as a powerful tool to educate and empower those fighting hate.

In 2011, the Kivunim Institute and Mimouna Association organized the first conference on the Holocaust in the Arab world commemorating the actions of the late King Mohammed V at Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane. An article in the New York Times praised the event as a “first of its kind in an Arab or Muslim nation, and a sign of historical truth triumphing over conspiracy theories and anti-Semitic dogma.”

The Mimouna Association and United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM) in 2017 jointly created the first Arabic-language Holocaust curriculum by and for Muslims. The Holocaust education material created was tailored to the specific context of the Arab and Muslim world.

The USHMM, which is celebrating its thirtieth anniversary this month, has prioritized promoting Holocaust education in the Arab world, for example, through Holocaust commemorations in Morocco in 2018 and 2022, and Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2022 and 2023. In 2022, the USHMM organized an important Holocaust commemoration in the UAE and Egypt.

In the Emirates, Ahmed Obaid Al Mansoori created in 2021 the first Holocaust memorial exhibition in the Arab world at the Crossroads of Civilization Museum in Dubai. This permanent exhibit is the first of its kind in the Arab world, and offers visitors a setting within which to begin to understand the Holocaust and fight the denial of this dark chapter of human history.

In Morocco this year, the Mimouna Association, in partnership with the Council of Jewish Communities in Morocco, the United Nations Information Centre, and the ASF, provided over 120 students from different Moroccan universities and institutes, Moroccan Muslim activists, and members of the Moroccan Jewish community with an opportunity to engage and learn more about the history of the Holocaust.

In the largest synagogue of Casablanca, 350 guests—including university students, Morocco’s Minister of Education Chakib Benmoussa, diplomats from the United States, Israel, France, Germany, Poland, The Vatican, and Spain, as well as representatives from Moroccan civil society and international organizations—packed the pews to honor King Mohammed V, savior of the Moroccan Jewish community.

Recognizing the deep convictions, moral approach, and brave policy of Sultan Mohammed V, the US ambassador to Morocco, Puneet Talwar, affirmed, “His Majesty King Mohammed V protected Morocco’s Jews from the Nazis. And His Majesty King Mohammed VI has carried on that legacy. He has spoken forcefully against the denial of the Holocaust.”

The Chief Rabbi of Casablanca, Rabbi Joseph Israel, said a customary Moroccan prayer honoring the king and his forefathers. The Muslim students also heard the Chapters of Psalms, Kaddish, Yizkor, and the Kel Malei Rachamim in memory of the Holocaust victims.

On the eve of Yom Hashoah, it is no longer considered taboo in the MENA region to promote Holocaust education and genocide prevention. The region’s youth are far more receptive to discussing the events of one of the darkest chapters of human history, despite the political, religious, and educational challenges shrouding this historic move that has been praised in some nations in the region and criticized in others.

El Mehdi Boudra is a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Middle East Programs. Follow him on Twitter: @ElBoudra.

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The N7 Initiative, a partnership between the Atlantic Council and Jeffrey M. Talpins Foundation, seeks to broaden and deepen normalization between Israel and Arab and Muslim countries. It works with governments to produce actionable recommendations to deliver tangible benefits to their peoples.

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The post <strong>Safeguarding the past: The Arab world’s cure to Holocaust amnesia</strong> appeared first on Atlantic Council.

The post Nawaz in Dawn: <a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1746219/for-pakistan-to-prosper-it-must-invest-in-its-children">For Pakistan to prosper, it must invest in its children</a> appeared first on Atlantic Council.

The barriers South Asian women face in the workforce are deep and intersecting, including but not limited to: accessing digital technology; disruptions to supply chains; the dual burden of managing eldercare and childcare; limited physical and mental health services; and the increased risk of gender-based violence (GBV). These are key obstacles to women’s labor force participation, and all were exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. According to a joint report published by the International Finance Corporation and the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women), 35 percent of women entrepreneurs in India reported that they have suffered declining revenues due to COVID-19, and 72 percent of female small business owners in Sri Lanka reported experiencing difficulties accessing their usual financial services. The same report found that female job-loss rates resulting from COVID-19 are about 1.8 times higher than male job-loss rates globally.

Women’s participation and advancement in the labor force not only benefits women themselves, but also men, families, communities, and the entire nation. Despite this, women’s work is a minefield of visible and invisible barriers, rooted in inequality, patriarchy, and privilege. Global corporations, civil society, governments, and businesses across the South Asian region and the globe are committed and poised to support women’s advancement in the workplace, and are well positioned to accelerate and complement these efforts through direct investments and advocacy. But, first, two key areas must be explored, and they serve as the foci for this issue brief:

1. Raise awareness of key economic challenges facing women across the region.
2. Explore best practices and opportunities for addressing these pressing challenges.

To date, these efforts have been limited and/or siloed within particular domains and there is a paucity of scientific evidence pointing to how these efforts are effectively supporting women’s economic recovery.

This issue brief describes cross-cutting themes, a proposed theory of change, and recommendations that emerged from the Atlantic Council and US Department of State expert convening, “Future of Women and Work in South Asia.” The convening’s goal was to foster cross-sectoral collaboration and catalyze knowledge sharing to support women’s economic empowerment in South Asia. The project also aimed to elucidate strategies for increasing philanthropic and corporate investments to appropriately address the challenges and barriers women face.

The South Asia Center serves as the Atlantic Council’s focal point for work on the region as well as relations between these countries, neighboring regions, Europe, and the United States.

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Countless examples of gender-based violence (GBV) in South Asia from last year raise significant concerns about so-called “progress” made in improving women’s standing and fighting rape culture in the region. Political discourse in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh is deeply misguided regarding such issues, often leading to systematic victim-blaming which—knowingly or unknowingly—helps the perpetrators.

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The post The future of women in India: Barriers, facilitators and opportunities appeared first on Atlantic Council.

On March 20, to reflect on the twenty-year anniversary of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, the Atlantic Council’s Iraq Initiative held a discussion to amplify the voices of Iraqi youth. “Trajectories of Iraqi youth two decades after the 2003 invasion: Between aspirations and reality” featured introductory remarks from the Director of the Iraq Initiative, Abbas Kadhim, and was moderated by Hezha Barzani, a Program Assistant for the empowerME Initiative at the Atlantic Council.   

In his introductory speech, Abbas Kadhim stressed the importance of including youth in the debate about the future of Iraq, arguing that “youth are not only entitled to be present, but are called to lead the debate, as they will be the most affected by it”. This was further emphasized in Hezha Barzani’s introduction, where he noted that 60 percent of Iraq’s current population is under the age of twenty-five. 

The panel featured empowerME Program Assistant Nibras Basitkey, who highlighted the importance of being solution-oriented when discussing the future of Iraqi youth. It also featured a researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Shival Fazil, who claimed that Iraqi youth “do not feel represented by the current system of government in Iraq and are stretching across ethnic and religious identities in favor of an issue-based coalition, seeking political reform”. Adjunct fellow Hamzeh Hadad from the Center for New American Security noted that the years following the invasion “were tumultuous, with Iraqis facing global issues” such as the expansion of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) and the global pandemic. This point was built upon by co-Founder and President of Sinjar Academy, Murad Ismael, who claimed that “youth in post-ISIS Iraq are rejecting extremism”. 

Problems currently facing Iraqi youth

A consensus was reached among the participating panelists that the present nature of the Iraqi youth is characterized by their collective desire for reform and coalition-building.  The emerging trend of national movements are transcending ethnic, religious, and cultural lines. Hamzeh Hadad explained this phenomenon as being “a product of Iraqi unity against ISIS as well as the younger generation’s exposure to sectarian violence in the aftermath of Saddam Hussein’s rule”. He also explained the unification of Iraqi youth with the failure of the Iraqi leadership class, which resulted in a widespread protest movement. Another problem currently affecting Iraq is the persistence of internal displacement accompanied both the 2003 invasion and the ISIS insurgency. The second wave of displacement that took after 2024 in Iraq has particularly impacted minority communities. Basitkey, Ismael, and Fizal all pointed to the plight of the Yazidi population which had been persecuted by ISIS and remains scattered with negligible access to basic civilian infrastructures and education. 

When discussing the current threat of ISIS resurgence, Shival Fazil claimed, “it is this growing disillusionment with politics and resentment toward the ruling elite that runs the risk of being exploited and weaponized by the Islamic State or other extremist groups.” 

This statement demonstrates the importance of addressing the concerns of the Iraqi youth and committing to political, economic, and social reform for both humanitarian and security reasons. Youth are also facing the repercussions of climate change, which will continue to be a serious threat to the country, both on livelihoods and security fronts. Hamzeh Hadad pointed to the inadequate preparedness of the country to combat climate change, arguing that “both Iraq and the international community must team up to create the appropriate infrastructures to cope with modern problems such as climate change.” 

Importance of education

One of the most pressing problems currently facing Iraqi youth is limited access and poor quality education. Each of the panelists spoke to this importance extensively. Nibras Basitkey claimed that “this phenomenon was worsened by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and has disproportionately impacted minorities”. Additionally, Iraqi youth experience a significant setback in their education due to limited access to technology during the pandemic. Murad Ismael highlighted the importance of technology in improving education, claiming that “technological training in Iraq is extremely outdated and individuals who pursue higher education in technology in Iraq finish their degree with a high-school level understanding”. He offered that smartphones could be harnessed to improve education, but “there must be a campaign that compels individuals to maximize the educational value of their phones”. Basitkey further argued that “Iraq requires an updated curriculum that would focus on technology and skills that would optimize youth’s chances of obtaining jobs in the local market”. Additionally, “women’s access to education must be significantly improved”. 

The value of economic growth 

Iraq’s economy is highly dependent on oil and most jobs lie in the public sector-this is problematic for numerous reasons. Murad Ismael argued that “a prosperous private sector is essential to a functioning democracy in Iraq”, as the public cannot voice their political opinions freely if they are dependent on a particular political party for employment. Furthermore, oil prices are extremely unstable. Shivan Fazil highlighted the consequences of an oil-dependent economy and advocated for “the establishment of a competitive and reliable private sector”. Economic development is also a social issue. Basitkey argued for “the necessary inclusion of women in the Iraqi economy by challenging social norms and initiating campaigns that encourage women to participate in politics”. This will improve economic growth and mobilize a highly underutilized sector of the population. 

Each of these issues requires a tremendous commitment not only from Iraq but also from the international community. To ensure the success of Iraq’s bright youth population, these issues must be addressed, specifically, those of economic and educational concerns, concluded the panelists.

Britt Gronemeyer is a Young Global Professional with the Middle East Programs at the Atlantic Council. 

The post Trajectories of Iraqi youth two decades after the 2003 invasion: Between aspirations and reality appeared first on Atlantic Council.

I certainly do. Growing up in Srechka, a small rural village in northern Iraq, I experienced firsthand the limitations placed on me because of my gender. I longed for an education, but cultural norms and traditions dictated that girls should stay home and take care of the household while boys were expected to work and provide for the family. Education was seen as a threat against those norms, which were upheld by villagers for decades despite what was written in the Iraqi constitution.

Despite these limitations, I never gave up on my quest for knowledge because I understood the significance of education in fulfilling my potential. Unfortunately, in 2014, I was compelled to leave Srechka due to the invasion of my town by the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS). These events added to my challenges in accessing education. However, my determination to overcome these obstacles only grew stronger as I realized the transformative power of education in shaping individuals as agents of change and empowering them to contribute to the development of their communities.

Years of turmoil and insufficient investment in Iraq have deteriorated the once-excellent education system and limited Iraqi children’s opportunities for quality education. At present, roughly 3.2 million Iraqi children of school age are not receiving an education. Furthermore, under-investment in the educational sector has impaired students’ access to quality learning and the ability to acquire skills necessary to meet the demands of the market. Of the children not enrolled in primary school, 56 percent are female (this number is 65 percent in the case of lower secondary school).

The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated this issue, leading to high dropout rates for both genders, although females are disproportionally impacted. Factors that impede Iraqi women from obtaining an education are socially-constructed gender norms, perceived protection concerns, trauma, internal displacement, early and forced marriages, and economic and financial hardships. In rural areas, the data on female dropouts is scarce, and they are among the nation’s most at-risk groups for child marriages.

Unfortunately, the situation in Afghanistan today is not much different from what I experienced in Iraq. The Taliban’s prohibition on female education is a severe blow to the progress made in recent years toward gender equality in the country. Afghan women and girls have been fighting for their right to education, and it is a devastating setback to see their hard-won progress threatened by the Taliban’s oppressive regime. 

The Taliban’s actions violate the basic human rights of Afghan women and girls and also have long-term implications for Afghanistan’s economic and social development. Education is essential for individuals to fulfill their potential and contribute to the development of their communities. The denial of education to women and girls hinders their ability to participate in the workforce and limits their potential for upward social mobility.

Taliban prohibits girls’ education, undoing years of progress in Afghanistan

Since the Taliban’s rise to power in 2021, one of their first acts was implementing a strict interpretation of Islamic law. This included the prohibition of girls from attending school and university, as the group believed that education was not necessary nor appropriate for women.

Prior to 2021, in the years after the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the United States and its allies focused on rebuilding and modernizing the country’s infrastructure, including its education system.

As part of its efforts to rebuild Afghanistan since 2002, the US provided approximately $88 billion in security aid, $36 billion in civilian aid (which includes $787 million designated for the advancement of Afghan women and girls), and almost $3.9 billion in humanitarian aid from the United States, according to data shared by the White House.

These different funds supported the construction of new schools, training of teachers, and development of educational materials. The US also worked with Afghan authorities and international organizations to promote access to education, particularly for girls and women who had been largely excluded from the education system under the Taliban. Since 2002, the US has granted Afghanistan $133 billion in economic and security help, including allocating funds for infrastructure, economic and social progress, and security forces.

These efforts have helped to increase enrollment in schools, particularly among girls and women, and to improve the quality of education in Afghanistan. According to the World Bank, the percentage of female enrollment in primary school rose from zero to 85 percent in 2019. However, the situation was still far from ideal, as many families continued to be resistant to the idea of educating their daughters, and there were still areas of the country where the Taliban had a strong presence and where girls’ education was not allowed. 

However, it is widely recognized that the assurances made have not been upheld and that the severity of the matter is undeniable.

When the Taliban first seized control, they declared that classrooms would be segregated by gender. Then, they refused to reopen secondary schools for females. In December 2022, with one single decision, the Taliban banned female education by prohibiting females from attending universities, thus, widening the scope of their restriction on female education.

The consequences on economic development

These recent bans have erased years of gender equality progress made in Afghanistan. This has had a devastating effect on the education and rights of Afghan women, who have faced severe restrictions on their freedom and rights for decades. This also hinders the economic development of the country. Education is a key driver of economic growth, and providing education to girls can significantly impact a country’s economy.

As of 2023, there remains a significant dearth of statistics production in Afghanistan, making it difficult to assess the state of the economy fully. However, despite this challenge, experts predict that the country’s economic output could decline by as much as 20 to 30 percent over the course of the year from August 2021.

Furthermore, nearly 97 percent of Afghanistan is facing the risk of poverty, with more than half of the country depending on humanitarian aid to survive. The average Afghan household already spends 91 percent of its income on food, leaving little for other basic needs. This dire situation has resulted in many families resorting to rationing and other strategies to cope with the economic strain—such as selling their kidneys—to put food on the table. Children are particularly vulnerable in this situation, as they are at an increased risk of starvation, malnutrition, hunger, and preventable diseases.

Furthermore, a recent United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) analysis argues that the denial of secondary education for girls in Afghanistan has had a significant economic impact, resulting in a loss of at least $500 million within the last year alone. This statistic is a stark reminder of the importance of ensuring girls’ access to education. Not only does education empower girls to make decisions and lead more fulfilling lives, but it also has economic benefits for their communities.

Educating girls has been shown to have a multiplier effect on economic growth and development. When girls are educated, they are more likely to become successful members of society, contributing to the economy and increasing the overall standard of living. Education should be seen as a right and an investment in the future of entire communities.

The economic benefits of educating girls are undeniable in reducing poverty and providing more ways for them to contribute to the economy. Education is a powerful tool for breaking the cycle of poverty, and it can help girls and women access better-paying jobs and become more financially independent. This can increase the standard of living for girls and their families and significantly contribute to the country’s overall economic development.

Denying women access to education and employment in Afghanistan will cost the country up to $1 billion, or a maximum of 5 percent of its GDP—an amount that is too much for the nation to bear due to its present economic circumstances.

Studies have shown that educating women can reduce poverty levels in a country. Educated women are more likely to be employed and have higher incomes, which will help lift them and their families out of poverty. Furthermore, educated women are more likely to have healthier pregnancies, improved health outcomes for their children, and increased access to basic services like health care and sanitation. This will lead to a healthier population and improved quality of life. 

Advancing female education under the Taliban

Despite the new government in Afghanistan abandoning its promises of reform, the international community must remain steadfast in its commitment to safeguarding the rights of Afghan women and girls. It is also essential that they continue to pressure the Afghan government to uphold its commitments to reform and protect the rights of its female citizens. Furthermore, the international community should provide support and resources to organizations and initiatives working to empower Afghan women and girls. Only through collective action can the rights of Afghan women be fully secured.

Given the Taliban’s police state and severe threat of repression against advocacy for women’s rights in the country, especially regarding reversing the female education ban, a few key strategies can be implemented to ensure female education. These strategies can minimize repression risks without formally recognizing the legitimacy of the Taliban.

• Collaborate with reputable and recognized local and national organizations to develop a coordinated and strategic approach to promoting female education in Afghanistan. This should involve creating partnerships between the government, NGOs, and other international organizations that are recognized by the international community. This strategy should involve advocacy and awareness-raising to educate the public on the importance of female education and the negative impact of the Taliban’s ban. It should also involve providing financial incentives to families to encourage them to send their daughters to school.

• Provide security measures to protect girls and women from violence and harassment as they travel to and from school. This could involve training security forces to respond to incidents of harassment and ensuring that girls and women feel safe. It could also involve providing transport options to help girls and women travel safely to and from schools.

• Prioritize community-based education programs that are accessible and safe for girls and women. This could involve providing alternative education programs in safe settings, such as at home or in community centers. It could also involve providing resources to local organizations to help them provide quality education to girls and women.

As an Iraqi refugee who understands the importance of education, I recognize that achieving gender parity in education is critical for Afghanistan’s long-term economic growth and prosperity. Education is a fundamental right and a key driver of economic development, and denying girls access to education is detrimental to the country’s future. It is only through collective action that the international community can ensure the rights of Afghan women and girls are upheld and that they can live in a society where education is a privilege, not a punishment.

Nibras Basitkey is a program assistant at the Atlantic Council’s empowerME Initiative at the Atlantic Council’s Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East. 

The post I was once denied an education in Iraq. This is why the Taliban’s prohibition on female education matters. appeared first on Atlantic Council.

On July 19, 2022, the White House convened leaders from industry, government, and academia at its a National Cyber Workforce and Education Summit. In his remarks at the Summit, recently departed National Cyber Director Chris Inglis committed to developing a National Cyber Workforce and Education Strategy with input from relevant stakeholders to align government resources and efforts toward addressing the many challenges in this area. Among these challenges is finding sufficient talent to fill the United States’ ever-growing number of openings for cyber-related roles across all sectors of the economy. According to research from CyberSeek, US employers posted 714,548 of these job openings in the year leading up to April 2022. While many of the vacancies are oriented toward individuals who are savvy in the more technical aspects of cybersecurity, more organizations are searching for multidisciplinary talent, ranging from international affairs to project management and everything in between. 

While we await the White House’s National Cyber Workforce and Education Strategy, we brought together a group of experts to provide insights into bolstering the cyber workforces of the United States and its allies.

#1 What is one assumption about the cyber workforce that is holding the cyber community back?

Nelson Abbott, senior director, advanced program operations, NPower: 

“‘We cannot find good talent.’ This sentiment is, in my opinion, a result of companies not broadening their talent acquisition strategies. You will not meet the increasing demand for cyber talent by using the same talent pipelines that are not increasing their output to market.” 

Richard Harris, principal cybersecurity policy engineer, MITRE Corporation: 

“One problematic assumption is that the market, academia, or government alone can solve the problem of cyber workforce shortages. Developing cyber workforces at the right time, in the right quantities, and with the right skills requires purposeful and persistent public, private, and academic partnerships.” 

Ayan Islam, director, cyber workforce, Office of the National Cyber Director: 

“There is an assumption that there is a single pathway into the cyber workforce when there are many pathways to recruit cyber workforce talent. To open the job pipeline to those for whom a career in cyber or a related field would be out of reach, new pathways need to be created. We need to fully leverage the potential for community colleges to contribute to the workforce, grow work-based learning programs such as apprenticeships, and further explore non-traditional training opportunities. While some exist today, we need many more pathways to allow for more entrants and career changers into the cyber workforce and to demystify those pathways.” 

Eric Novotny, Hurst professor of international relations, emeritus, School of International Service, American University: 

“One assumption that I have noticed in employment advertising is the posting of entry-level positions in which the Certified Information Systems Security Professional (CISSP) certification is listed as necessary or desirable. This certification, as is well-known in the community, is a cybersecurity management certification that requires five years of experience in the domain. It may be that human resources representatives do not understand the levels or purpose of cybersecurity certifications. Some organizations may lose qualified job candidates if desired certifications are not aligned with job requirements.” 

Merili Soosalu, partner leader and regional coordinator for Latin America and the Caribbean, EU Cyber Resilience for Development Project (Cyber4Dev), Information System Authority of Estonia (RIA): 

“Cybersecurity as a topic is on its way to the mainstream. In the more and more digitalized world, cybersecurity is an integral aspect that cannot be overlooked. This should also be reflected in the outlooks of cyber careers that do not only mean highly experienced technical skills but rather a variety of professions and skillsets from the areas of project management and communications to the highly skilled blue- and red-team competencies.”

#2 What government or industry-led programs have had an outsized positive impact on workforce development efforts?

Abbott: “I am of the opinion that there have not been ‘outsized’ positive impacts. There are a lot of great companies and organizations doing good work (NPower, Per Scholas, etc.), but they do not have the capacity to meet the exponential growth in demand for talent. The recent cybersecurity sprint was good to develop interest in that alternative hiring model, but it is still too early to see what the measurable results are.” 

Harris: “Some of the most successful workforce development programs have been in local communities. These programs were the result of local businesses, governments, and academic institutions putting their heads together to meet cybersecurity and other technical skill needs. While these efforts help keep people in their communities, they also support workforce mobility where these same skills are in demand outside of the local community.” 

Islam: “With over seven hundred thousand (approximately 756,000 as of December 2022, per CyberSeek.org) vacancies in cybersecurity positions across the United States, these numbers constitute a national security risk and must be tackled aggressively. Therefore, it is important for government, industry, education, and training providers to all contribute to workforce development efforts, and work in tandem to address our growing needs. For example, the Office of National Cyber Director hosted a National Cyber Workforce and Education Summit at the White House last summer with government and private sector partners to discuss building the United States’ cyber workforce, increasing skill-based pathways to cyber careers, and equipping Americans to thrive in our increasingly digital society. The event resulted in many new commitments. A cybersecurity apprenticeship sprint was also announced at the Summit, which led to an increase in private-sector participation in the Department of Labor’s apprenticeship program, with 194 new registered participants and over seven thousand apprentices getting jobs.” 

Novotny: “Sponsored events to attract new talent into the field, such as Cyber 9/12, AvengerCon, and various Capture the Flag (CTF) exercises are invaluable for stimulating interest in cybersecurity and exposing students and young professionals to executives and experts in the field.” 

Soosalu: “In Estonia in recent years, many positive initiatives have been developed for different age groups. For instance, for adults looking to change their careers to information technology (IT), the Kood/Jõhvi, an international coding school, was created and top IT specialists should enter to the job market in the coming months. A private initiative called Unicorn Squad was created in 2018 to popularize technology education among girls. These initiatives, to name some, will hopefully show positive effects in the coming years. The Estonian State Systems Authority, responsible for national cybersecurity, prioritizes the knowledge development of cyber incidents of critical sectors by regularly organizing joint exercises between the national Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT) and the IT teams of different critical service providers.”

#3 Are there any issues or challenges in workforce development have been overstated or immaterial?

Abbott: “‘Anyone can do cyber.’ While it is true that there is a much broader spectrum of roles in cyber than most people realize (non-technical; governance, risk management, and compliance; policy; etc.), these still require a strong working knowledge of information technology and networking concepts.” 

Harris: “Many people need to move beyond wringing their hands about cyber workforce shortages or hoping that someone else will solve the problem. Organizations can start at the grassroots level and proactively develop partnerships and plans that result in a tangible workforce development achievement at whatever level is feasible, and then build on that success.” 

Islam: “Actually, what is understated and greatly material to the issue and challenge in cyber workforce development is the lack of appropriate resourcing and C-suite appreciation with security program investments. There is still a disconnect in recognizing that cybersecurity is a foundational business risk and not a one-time, niche issue. Without proper investments on the people side of security programs, we will continue to see the same issues or challenges in tackling cybersecurity threats.” 

Novotny: “There are some misconceptions that cybersecurity is an exclusively IT-driven, technical field. That is certainly true for some roles and responsibilities, but cybersecurity solutions also embrace people and processes, as well as technology.  Professionals with highly developed technical skills will need to include management and people skills in their career development.” 

Soosalu: “Today, all studies show that the IT sector, cybersecurity in particular, lacks a qualified workforce. Therefore, all challenges are real and need to be tackled.”

More from the Cyber Statecraft Initiative:

The 5×5—Minding the cyber talent gap

Cyber 9/12 Strategy Challenge

The Cyber Moonshot

#4 How can different types of organizations better assess their cyber talent needs?

Abbott: “By 1) moving from credential-based job descriptions to competency-based job descriptions; 2) better communicating between hiring managers and talent-acquisition teams; 3) changing job descriptions to remove bias and non-negotiable requirements to encourage more candidates to apply; and 4) considering internal upskilling programs and backfilling entry-level roles with new talent.” 

Harris: “The National Institute of Standards and Technology’s (NIST) National Initiative for Cybersecurity Education (NICE) Framework is an awesome baseline reference for understanding workforce positions and skills. Organizations, however, must do the work to understand their current and future cyber talent needs, then leverage the NICE Framework, or a similar guide, to connect those business needs with the right positions and skill paths, and build a workforce development plan.” 

Islam: “A growing number of organizations are taking advantage of skill-based and aptitude assessments to allow for diverse and multidisciplinary candidates to join the cyber workforce. However, skill-based training and hiring practices are still necessary. Any solution must be inclusive of historically untapped talent, including underserved areas and neurodivergent populations. A cybersecurity career should be within reach for any American who wishes to pursue it, and skills-based training and hiring practices enable inclusive outcomes, give workers a fair shot, and keep the economy strong.” 

Novotny: “The size of the existing IT and cybersecurity internal infrastructure plays a huge role here. Medium and small enterprises will have a more difficult time justifying a large cybersecurity staff in most cases. For these organizations, where many cybersecurity functions are outsourced, the skills shift to management and procurement, rather than technical operations, such as staffing a security operations center. In the government sector, having different standards and compliance rules than in the private sector also drives different necessary skill sets. On the other hand, I would argue that any organization that has network operations and valuable information assets to protect has similar security requirements in principle.” 

Soosalu: “For assessing needs, some forms of standards are needed. In the European Union, the new European Cybersecurity Skills Framework (ECSF) was created to become a useful tool to help identify the profiles and skills that are most needed and valued. This will help create a European framework for recognizing skills and training programs.”

#5 How have cyber workforce needs shifted in the past five years, and where do you see them going from here?

Abbott: “They have only increased, and almost doubled in 2022. More companies are taking cybersecurity seriously, and are now realizing the importance of having those individuals on their teams. I fear that the demand for cyber talent will only continue unless employers start to create new solutions instead of relying on old habits when it comes to talent acquisition.” 

Harris: “Rapid technological change like the current artificial intelligence revolution, and increasingly complex risk dynamics exemplified by greater cyber-physical convergence, require cyber workforces and individuals to embrace continuous learning throughout their careers. More attention needs to be paid to developing interesting and flexible cyber career paths and investing in more career progression training and education.” 

Islam: “We need to broaden our thinking about the importance of cyber across occupations and professions in our interconnected society. There are many occupations and professions that have not traditionally required in-depth cybersecurity knowledge or training, but whose work relies on the use of cyber technologies. Greater attention should be paid to ensuring that cybersecurity training and education are part of the professional preparation of these workers.” 

Novotny: “Several broad trends are noticeable in workforce requirements that have changed over time. First, as more sectors of the economy are identified as critical infrastructure, professionals that have industry sector experience are in higher demand.  Second, the cyber threat intelligence business—in both government and in the private sector—has opened job opportunities for young professionals with language and international relations education. Third, there is an apparent fusion of traditional cybersecurity needs with a growing concern about misinformation, social media, and privacy. A few years ago, these latter issues were largely separate from the cybersecurity domain. That is not the case today.” 

Soosalu: “Estonia was the target of one of the first ever national cyberattacks in 2007, and therefore cybersecurity as an issue is not new to our general public. However, being one of the most digitalized countries in the world, Estonia relies heavily on its digital services and needs to both create awareness and invest in being as cyber resilient as possible. The lack of a skilled workforce is clearly a vector of risk. Compared to the period of past five years, the legislation has evolved. Today, many more sectors are obliged to follow information and cybersecurity standards, hire information security officers, and invest budget into dealing with cybersecurity. The topic of cybersecurity is here to stay, and we will need to do our outmost to create interested and competent workforce for these profiles. Hopefully, the initiatives named above (Question #2) will help to contribute to this, and we see soon more women and more IT and cyber enthusiasts in the job market.” 

Simon Handler is a fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Cyber Statecraft Initiative within the Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab). He is also the editor-in-chief of The 5×5, a series on trends and themes in cyber policy. Follow him on Twitter @SimonPHandler.

The Atlantic Council’s Cyber Statecraft Initiative, under the Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab), works at the nexus of geopolitics and cybersecurity to craft strategies to help shape the conduct of statecraft and to better inform and secure users of technology.

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Ukrainian digital artist Nikita Titov partnered with the Ukrainian Veterans Foundation, which provides financial support to Ukrainian veterans, to design and promote a collection of 18 striking posters featuring soldiers from all walks of life (see article illustration). These posters serve as a powerful tribute to the determination and sacrifice of Ukrainians who have been ripped from their everyday lives by Russia’s brutal invasion.

Posters from the “Call-sign Ukraine” project have been featured worldwide. They have appeared everywhere from the Embassy of Ukraine in Japan to the Kyiv metro, where they have been displayed alongside a Ukraine Veterans Foundation campaign entitled: “No matter who you are in civilian life, we are there to support you.” These initiatives reflect growing awareness that the fate of Ukraine’s rapidly growing veteran community will help define the country’s future for decades to come.

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At the start of 2022, there were around 400,000 veterans in Ukraine who had served in the ongoing hybrid war with Russia that had raged in the east of the country since early 2014. Following the onset of Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, this number has now mushroomed. Hundreds of thousands of additional Ukrainians will join the ranks of the country’s veteran community in the near future.

These veterans have the potential to transform Ukraine. In terms of sheer numbers and also as a consequence of the skills and experience their have acquired, they will shape Ukraine’s economy, politics, cultural life, and society as a whole. However, much work must yet be done to ensure Ukraine can provide the support they will require. “There are already problems and the situation is likely to get worse,” notes poster artist Titov. “These people are traumatized by the war, not only physically but also mentally.”

While the vast majority of future veterans remain on the front lines, the challenges that their return to civilian life will create must be addressed now. After months of brutal combat and exposure to the results of Russian war crimes, Ukraine’s soldiers will need support in the form of medical and psychological care to treat the direct effects of the conflict.

In addition to immediate care, Ukrainian veterans will also need long-term economic support to ensure they are able to provide for themselves and their families while reintegrating into civilian life. This support should include training opportunities to prepare veterans for new careers along with access to small business financing.

The dramatic growth of Ukraine’s veteran community will add new impetus to the ongoing reform of the country’s veteran policies. Until relatively recently, Ukraine’s system of veteran services was dominated by a Soviet approach that provided subsidies and cash payments instead of direct services. Gaps in the system were often filled by civil society. In 2018, Ukraine established a Ministry of Veteran Affairs with the goal of throwing off the Soviet legacy.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has backed these efforts, stating in August 2022 that the country must seek to create one of the world’s leading veteran support models. The objective should be to allow veterans to contribute “not only to the defense of our state on the front lines but also to the post-war development of Ukraine,” he commented.

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Much work now lies ahead in order to translate Zelenskyy’s vision into reality. Hundreds of thousands of veterans across the country will require access to a range of medical and psychological services. They must also be provided with the kind of economic opportunities they so richly deserve.

The Ukrainian government is already working to make access to services easier. This includes creating an online service portal and easing access to psychological help by creating a new register of providers. In August 2022, the Ministry of Veteran Affairs signed an agreement with local authorities in Ukrainian cities to improve the provision of services. The Ministry has also established the Ukraine Veterans Foundation to serve as a platform to develop opportunities for veterans returning to civilian life.

Ukraine itself must undergo a physical transformation in order to become a more welcoming place for the veteran community. At the most basic level, this means improving accessibility to buildings and public spaces for all those who have experienced life-changing injuries during their service. Every aspect of Ukrainian daily life must be accessible to people living with limited mobility or other physical restrictions.

At present, the best way for the international community to back Ukraine’s veterans is by helping them win the war. They can do so by sending the weapons needed to defeat Vladimir Putin’s invasion and providing the financial support to keep the war-ravaged Ukrainian economy afloat.

Victory will create a whole new reality as hundreds of thousands of teachers, managers, civil servants, entrepreneurs, and IT specialists return to civilian life and seek to build futures for themselves in post-war Ukraine. This future is clearly full of potential. The task is to make sure Ukraine can capitalize on the opportunities that lie ahead. Ukraine’s veteran community should become a major asset for the country. To what extent will depend on the environment the authorities are able to create and the support provided by Ukraine’s international partners.

Despite the horrors of the war, there is still plenty of optimism about Ukraine’s prospects. Titov’s posters, with their bright and colorful style, reflect this faith in a future shaped by a generation who have taken up arms to defend their homeland. “Ukraine will win,” says the artist. “The new Ukraine will be a very strong country that the whole world will be proud of.”

Aleksander Cwalina and Benton Coblentz are program assistants at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Dec 26, 2022

Eight reasons for Ukrainian optimism in 2023

By Brian Mefford

Ukrainians have experienced an incredibly traumatic year but the country enters 2023 with reason for cautious optimism that Vladimir Putin’s criminal invasion can be decisively defeated, writes Brian Mefford.

European Union NATO

UkraineAlert Dec 25, 2022

Bakhmut: Fortress of freedom

By Andriy Yermak

Western support for Ukraine must remain strong in 2023 to prevent a Russian victory that would fuel a global authoritarian revival, warns the head of Ukraine’s Office of the President, Andriy Yermak.

Conflict European Union

UkraineAlert Dec 22, 2022

Russia’s defeat is the top global priority for 2023

By Oleksii Reznikov

Ensuring that the Russian invasion of Ukraine ends in defeat is vital for the international security system and must be the strategic priority for 2023, writes Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov.

Conflict European Union

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Ukraine’s growing veteran community will shape the country’s future appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Nope, and for good reason.

As I prepare to leave the Atlantic Council and join the Superhumans Center, a Ukrainian charity that will build the first prosthetics hospital in Ukraine, I owe hundreds of people money, dinner, and mostly eternal gratitude. Thousands more have trusted me with their secrets and stories. I hope I didn’t screw them up too much.

To those who have made the last eight years awesome, thank you.

Yevhen Hlibovytsky, my tutor, driver, fellow nosy social scientist, and beloved friend, your spirit infuses my work and love of country. I can’t wait to show you the eccentric parts of America. There are a lot of them! Duzhe, duzhe dyakuyu.

When I became the editor of UkraineAlert in 2015 I was woefully under-qualified. Dr. Alina Polyakova convinced John Herbst to hire me over a more pedigreed man. Peter Dickinson, Christian Caryl, Uri Friedman, Amanda Abrams, and Larry Luxner, you reshaped my underdeveloped stories and encouraged me countless times.

My co-conspirator, editor, and debating partner Jacob Heilbrunn makes every piece 1000 times better, but please do not tell him. And while we are on that subject, please don’t tell John Herbst that I didn’t write any of the titles that gave the communications team heartburn. That was my brilliant husband. Thank you, Daniel!

Ambassador John Herbst, you are the Atlantic Council to me. You made the fight fun, the debate delicious, and every conversation convivial, and you made me a better person. I will be in your debt until they bury me in Kyiv.

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Before I sally forth, I relish the chance to explain why Ukraine has captivated me for more than fifteen years.

It was not love at first sight. In 2006, I went to Ukraine as part of a disastrously organized election observation mission. I found Kyiv forbidding but was quickly put on a train to Crimea to observe in Simferopol, an ugly but otherwise unremarkable post-Soviet city. The leaders of our election team soon vanished and we were left with two older gentlemen from the Canadian diaspora, who graciously volunteered to hastily assemble maps and organize our mission.

I took the work seriously and I almost got into a fistfight as a result. When I saw violations, I duly noted them. At one polling station, a large man was voting outside of the ballot box. Voters have a right to privacy, and in a place like Crimea that overwhelmingly votes for one party, privacy is key.

As a diligent election observer, I took a picture of the man. He came at me demanding to know what I was doing. A crowd quickly gathered as the situation escalated. I insisted I had the right to take photographs and note violations. The head of the precinct, with the unnatural burgundy hair you only see in the former Soviet Union, called Kyiv for guidance. “Unfortunately, this young woman has the right to take pictures,” she announced with a scowl. The crowd heaved a disappointed sigh and dispersed. As we exited the polling station, I was shaken and scared the big man might be waiting for me. What a country.

I never intended to come back. At the time, I had landed a dream job at Freedom House. I was giving Saudi Arabia hell for its gross and innumerable human rights violations, but my boss was impossible and the task felt hopeless. I feared it would take Saudi Arabia decades to change.

Fast forward. My boyfriend at the time landed a Fulbright scholarship to Kyiv and was having the time of his life. I was miserable and decided to join him. I soon found a job in Ukraine teaching English. The initial Skype interview went swimmingly and the Ukrainian trainer was both charismatic and lovely. At first, I only intended to stay for six months and then enter boring middle-aged American life. Instead, I found my calling and have never looked back.

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Sergiy Gusovsky, one of Kyiv’s most beloved restaurateurs and among the finest people you could wish to meet, often remarks that once a Westerner falls for Ukraine, they are hooked for life. That’s exactly what happened to me.

In January 2007, I made the big move to Ukraine. It was beyond cold. Even with my ankle-length wool coat and eighteen Alaskan winters under my belt, I could barely take it.

The American English Center rented space in ordinary schools. I taught mostly college students daily from 4pm to 10pm. The beginner students couldn’t understand a word I said, but the advanced students got me and were soon demanding harder and harder words. Hour after hour, we talked about Ukraine’s social structures, the economy, the country’s endlessly frustrating politics, its painful history, and society’s ridiculous expectations of women. There was no subject that was off limits.

Within six months, I had decided I never wanted to leave. Kyiv is the world’s most underrated city. Not only is it extraordinarily beautiful, especially during the spring months, but the spontaneous and generous nature of everyday life also appealed to me. The Kyivite focus on the here and now is the inverse of Max Weber’s Protestant ethic which I had imbibed far too deeply by age 18. Being in the Ukrainian capital helped me rediscover by natural equilibrium.

Plus, it was dirt cheap. My $400 per month apartment overlooking the golden domes of Pechersk Lavra Monastery was a sensational place to live. Meanwhile, Kyiv’s location at the center of Europe enabled me to visit 10 countries in six months. Leaving wasn’t an option.

Although I did eventually move back to the US, I never really left. Ukraine has remained with me. For the past eight years, I have been privileged to lead and build the biggest, loudest, and most effective program on Ukraine in North America at the Atlantic Council together with Ambassador John Herbst.

I often find myself answering the same peculiar question: “Why are you, a girl with a German surname and no discernible connection to Eastern Europe, so taken with Ukraine?”

Normally I give a canned answer. I grew up in Kenai, a small village in Alaska with a Russian Orthodox Church. When I was in the sixth grade, the Berlin Wall fell and Russians poured into Alaska. Regional flights were set up between the Russian Far East and Alaska, and the local business community got very excited about linking the two frontier lands. Closer to home, Miss Tatiana appeared in my school and I began studying Russian. I became mesmerized by the language and by the sight of golden samovars.

Recently I’ve realized that the true answer to this question is actually deeper. Much deeper.

Ukraine’s unquenchable thirst for freedom and justice inspires me endlessly. Even when the picture there looks hopeless, which it often does, my courageous warrior friend Vitaliy Shabunin reminds me to take the long view. “There are thousands of people like me. We are going to change Ukraine. It’s only a matter of time,” he says. May it be so, Vitaliy, and may it be so soon!

Thank you for your love, your trust, and your support over the last eight years! Все буде Україна!

Melinda Haring is the deputy director of the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center. She tweets @melindaharing.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Nov 10, 2022

Battle of Kherson: Russian retreat confirms Putin is losing the war

By Andriy Zagorodnyuk

The war is still far from over, but Ukraine’s victory in the Battle of Kherson may eventually come to be seen as one of the key turning points in the defeat of Vladimir Putin’s invasion, writes Andriy Zagorodnyuk.

Conflict Freedom and Prosperity

UkraineAlert Nov 17, 2022

Kherson euphoria highlights the folly of a premature peace with Putin

By Peter Dickinson

Footage of the euphoric scenes in liberated Kherson should be compulsory viewing for anyone who still believes in the possibility of a negotiated settlement between Ukraine and Russia, argues Peter Dickinson.

Civil Society Conflict

UkraineAlert Oct 27, 2022

A ceasefire would condemn millions of Ukrainians to Russian occupation

By Mark Temnycky

Recent calls for a ceasefire in the Russo-Ukrainian War ignore the fact that millions of Ukrainians remain under Russian occupation and would face an uncertain fate if abandoned to the Kremlin, writes Mark Temnycky.

Conflict Freedom and Prosperity

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

Read more from UkraineAlert

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Melinda Haring: Ukraine’s unquenchable thirst for freedom inspires me appeared first on Atlantic Council.

I have six real and practical suggestions for anyone looking to support Ukraine. First, vote. With less than four weeks remaining until the US mid-term elections, get up to speed on candidates and where they stand on support for Ukraine.

Second, look for new ways to draw in your community. Music and dance are great ways to bring more people in. For example, I live in the Washington, DC area, so I’ve invited my entire neighborhood to attend the October 18 Benefit Concert for Ukraine, organized by the Chopivsky Family Foundation, at the Kennedy Center. Grammy-award winning violinist Joshua Bell takes to the stage alongside the New Era Orchestra of Kyiv to play Beethoven and two lesser-known Ukrainian composers.  

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Third, help Ukraine rebuild now. Private charity can change lives while the US government and others dither with complex reconstruction plans. Russia President Vladimir Putin’s latest missile strikes on civilian infrastructure including schools, parks, playgrounds, and apartment buildings are a constant reminder that nowhere is safe in Ukraine.

Only four weeks ago, Kyiv felt shockingly normal and open for business. To help Ukrainians retain some normalcy during what will inevitably be a difficult winter, consider giving to the Kyiv School of Economics’ campaign to reopen schools. All schools in Ukraine must have a bomb shelter in order to re-open, and many schools cannot afford the expense, so children are forced to take online lessons yet again.

Kyiv School of Economics has set a $1 million target to remedy this situation, and bomb shelters in villages cost as little as $15,000. All donations are tax deductible for US citizens and Kyiv School of Economics will pair would-be donors with schools so that children in the US and in Ukraine can form pen pal relationships.

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Fourth, make no mistake about it, the coming winter will be very hard and very cold. Putin’s recent missile strikes hit more than 10 Ukrainian cities, intentionally targeting heating and power facilities, leaving thousands without electricity and internet. “This is going to be a difficult winter for us,” said President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the Yalta European Strategy conference on September 10.

Ordinary Ukrainians need sleeping bags, thermal underwear, warm socks, generators, and heaters. Americans can send these goods to Help Center Ukraine, an outstanding distribution site run by Ukrainian businessman Andrey Stavnitser and a close friend. I personally have visited his distribution warehouse in Lublin, Poland, and Andrey’s team will ensure that all donations reach needy Ukrainians across the country.  Help Center Ukraine has distribution sites in New Jersey and Lublin, Poland, and will be opening another warehouse in the United Kingdom soon.    

Fifth, Ukrainian families already living in the United States have real physical needs. One family from Kyiv needs a used car. Others need help figuring out how to transfer their degree credentials. Volunteer in your community and if you have space, invite a family into your home. If taking a family in for a spell is too much, invite them to share an upcoming holiday with you.  

Sixth, as the holidays approach, find ways to bring Ukraine into your preexisting traditions. My family and I carol every year, and this year will be no exception. The new twist is that we will sing the Ukrainian song “Shchedryk,” a magical composition that was later adapted into the English Christmas carol, “Carol of the Bells.”  

Russia’s war of choice in Ukraine shows few signs of ending soon, so it is incumbent upon all freedom-loving people to find creative ways to keep support for Ukraine robust as long as it takes. 

Melinda Haring is the deputy director of the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center. She tweets @melindaharing. Editor’s note: The Chopivsky Family Foundation is a donor of the Atlantic Council.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Sep 21, 2022

Putin’s nuclear ultimatum is a desperate bid to freeze a losing war

By Peter Dickinson

Vladimir Putin’s threat to use nuclear weapons in the war against Ukraine is a sign of the Russian dictator’s mounting desperation as his invasion continues to unravel and his country’s geopolitical isolation deepens.

Central Asia Conflict

UkraineAlert Oct 3, 2022

Will Putin send mobilized Russians to Belarus for a new Kyiv offensive?

By Alesia Rudnik

Vladimir Putin’s decision to order Russia’s first mobilization since World War II has revived fears in neighboring Belarus that the country could be dragged into the invasion of Ukraine and a new march on Kyiv.

Belarus Civil Society

UkraineAlert Sep 13, 2022

Ukrainian victory shatters Russia’s reputation as a military superpower

By Andriy Zagorodnyuk

The stunning success of Ukraine’s counteroffensive in the Kharkiv region has exposed the rotten reality behind Russia’s military superpower reputation and convinced many that a decisive Ukrainian victory is now possible.

Conflict Corruption

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

Read more from UkraineAlert

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Six things you (yes, you!) can do now to help Ukraine appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Countries in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) are highly vulnerable to the effects of climate change and external shocks, such as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The newly announced US-Caribbean Partnership to Address the Climate Crisis 2030 (PACC2030) has the potential to bolster the region’s response to climate change by stimulating locally driven economic growth. PACC2030 represents a renewed US commitment to Caribbean Community (CARICOM) members and is expected to be the central driver of US-Caribbean engagement over the next few years. If successfully implemented, PACC2030 can shape and strengthen US-Caribbean relations for the long term, facilitate US-Caribbean public-private partnerships, and give impetus to regional efforts to advance climate and energy agendas.

PACC 2030’s success is crucial for CARICOM countries and the United States. Apart from the socioeconomic and security threats posed by climate change, natural disasters, and energy insecurity, there are geopolitical considerations. Simply, if the United States cannot support the security and prosperity of its so-called Third Border, CARICOM members in need of short-term solutions to energy challenges and climate financing are likely to look to countries like China, Russia, and Venezuela for assistance. The agreement needs to deliver in the short term to generate confidence that the United States is committed to a sustainable partnership.

This report outlines three quick wins the United States and CARICOM should pursue: finding quick access to financing for CARICOM countries to invest in climate and energy resilience, involving and increasing the role of the US private sector in PACC2030’s implementation, and ensuring that the expertise and technologies brought to the region by the framework are taught, and not just given.

The United States has all the tools and expertise—and now, the will—to support climate and energy resilience in CARICOM countries. But timely implementation is needed over the next few months to show the region that US support and promises are not empty gestures, and instead come with action. This report offers clear next steps towards implementing this ambitious partnership and strengthening US-Caribbean relations in years to come.

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The post PACC2030: Quick wins for a US-Caribbean partnership on climate and energy resilience appeared first on Atlantic Council.

For those living in Russian-occupied regions of Ukraine, the situation is far worse. Schools under Russian control are being forced to adopt a Kremlin-curated curriculum designed to demonize Ukraine while convincing kids to welcome the takeover of their country and embrace a Russian national identity. Teachers and parents who dare to object face potentially dire consequences.

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Ever since Russia’s full-scale invasion began on February 24, Ukrainian children have been among the primary victims of what is Europe’s largest armed conflict since World War II. Hundreds have been killed, while millions have been displaced by the fighting and forced to flee to unfamiliar surroundings elsewhere in Ukraine or outside the country. Thousands of Ukrainian children are also thought to have been subjected to forced deportation to the Russian Federation.

The Kremlin is now targeting young Ukrainians as part of its campaign to eradicate Ukrainian national identity in areas under Russian control. In an address to mark the start of the new school term on September 1, Russian President Vladimir Putin underlined the importance of indoctrinating Ukrainian schoolchildren.

Putin dedicated part of his speech to Ukraine, lamenting that Ukrainian children aren’t taught that Russia and Ukraine were once both part of the Soviet Union or that Ukraine has no history as an independent state. He also declared that the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine was historically Russian territory that had been wrongly included within Ukraine’s borders by the Bolsheviks. Putin blamed the education system in Ukraine for distorting historical facts and contributing to the creation of anti-Russian sentiment in Ukraine that posed a threat to Russia.

This emphasis on the reeducation of young Ukrainians should come as no surprise. Throughout Putin’s 22-year reign, the Russian school system has grown increasingly politicized as the Kremlin has sought to bring aspects of the national curriculum into line with officially endorsed narratives. Textbooks and teaching materials have been developed to reflect the state’s approved view of Russian history in particular, with children subjected to highly sanitized versions of the Soviet past.

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After Vilnius: What’s next on Ukraine’s path to NATO?

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In occupied regions of Ukraine, Russia has embarked on a comprehensive reeducation program that includes specific efforts to challenge the entire notion of a separate and distinct Ukrainian nation. This began during the initial period of occupation with the removal of Ukrainian textbooks and all symbols of Ukrainian statehood from schools. In some cases, Ukrainian history books were demonstratively burned.

The occupation authorities have attempted to pressure Ukrainian teachers into adopting the Russian curriculum. Despite the obvious risks involved, many have refused to cooperate. Russia has sought to overcome objections via both threats and incentives. Those who agree to adopt the new Kremlin-approved teaching guidelines are offered cash payments, while anyone who objects faces dismissal along with possible imprisonment or worse.

Confronted with a shortage of Ukrainian teachers willing to cooperate with Moscow’s russification agenda, the occupation authorities are seeking to import staff from Russia itself. Hundreds of Russian teachers are believed to have agreed to relocate to Ukraine and teach in the occupied regions. Unsurprisingly, the subjects most in demand are Russian history, literature, and language. This influx of Russian teachers has been accompanied by the distribution of new textbooks aligned with Kremlin thinking.

Volunteering to indoctrinate children in occupied Ukraine may not be entirely risk-free for educators who choose to do so. A number of Russian teachers were reportedly detained during Ukraine’s recent successful counteroffensive in the Kharkiv region after having been abandoned by the fleeing Russian military. While details have yet to be confirmed, they may now face criminal charges.

The risks are far higher for Ukrainian parents who refuse to enroll their children in schools offering the Russian curriculum. The occupation authorities have warned parents who protest that they face fines and possible imprisonment. In some cases, Kremlin appointees have threatened to remove parental rights and separate children from their families. With forced deportations and the illegal adoption of Ukrainian children already well-known features of the occupation, these cannot be treated as idle threats.

Russia’s campaign to completely russify the Ukrainian education system is part of a broader drive to extinguish Ukrainian statehood and eradicate Ukrainian national identity in areas under Russia’s control. The apparently voluntary participation of Russian schoolteachers in these efforts raises troubling questions about the role of non-military personnel in possible war crimes. With hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian children currently vulnerable to Kremlin indoctrination, their fate is a powerful argument for the urgent liberation of Russian-occupied Ukraine.

Dr. Oleksandr Pankieiev is a research coordinator and editor-in-chief of the Forum for Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta’s Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Sep 13, 2022

Ukrainian victory shatters Russia’s reputation as a military superpower

By Andriy Zagorodnyuk

The stunning success of Ukraine’s counteroffensive in the Kharkiv region has exposed the rotten reality behind Russia’s military superpower reputation and convinced many that a decisive Ukrainian victory is now possible.

Conflict Corruption

UkraineAlert Aug 23, 2022

A strong Ukraine is the best solution to Europe’s Russia problem

By Oleksii Reznikov

Ukraine’s courageous response to Putin’s invasion has inspired the world but some Western leaders remain in denial over the threat posed by a hostile Russia, writes Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov.

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UkraineAlert Sep 17, 2022

Putin’s Russian Empire is collapsing like its Soviet predecessor

By Taras Kuzio

Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine was meant to extinguish the Ukrainian state once and for all. Instead, Russian influence in the post-Soviet region is in danger of receding to levels not witnessed in hundreds of years.

Belarus Central Asia

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Weaponizing education: Russia targets schoolchildren in occupied Ukraine appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Victory requires a coordinated, multifaceted, and long-term approach with economic, diplomatic, humanitarian, and logistical support all needed in order to bolster the Ukrainian transition to NATO-standard weaponry. Above all, this means a full commitment by Ukraine’s partners to increase arms supplies to the country.

The scenes accompanying recent Ukrainian advances have helped bring into focus the genocidal consequences if Russia is not decisively defeated. As Ukrainian troops liberated towns and villages across the Kharkiv region last week, their progress was marked by a steady stream of videos capturing the emotionally charged moments of liberation. This footage is a powerful reminder of the plight facing millions of Ukrainians currently living under Russian occupation.

In one video from Balakliya, elderly women emerged from their apartment building to greet Ukrainian soldiers, their ecstasy evident. “We have prayed for you to come save us for half a year!” one cried while embracing the soldiers. “What good boys!” another repeated. Belying Russian propaganda that Russian-speakers in Ukraine are persecuted, the women embraced the Ukrainian soldiers with affectionate words in the Russian language.

Another video from Balakliya underscored exactly what is at stake in the counteroffensive. In this video, Ukrainian soldiers triumphantly removed a Russian propaganda billboard featuring the slogan “We are with Russia! One people!” This billboard was a blunt example of the genocidal language employed by the Kremlin in its campaign to destroy the Ukrainian national group.

Russia’s “one people” propaganda denies Ukrainians the right to view themselves as a distinctive national group, a category protected under the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide. It is one more piece of evidence demonstrating Moscow’s intent to eradicate Ukrainian national identity through violent, coerced Russification and the killing of those they view as “irredeemably Ukrainian.”

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Ukrainians throughout the country are well aware of Russia’s genocidal intentions. Indeed, Kremlin leaders and propagandists alike make no secret of their desire to wipe Ukraine off the map of Europe completely. Putin himself has dismissed Ukraine as an illegitimate and intolerable “anti-Russia.” Russian television pundits and politicians alike have demonized Ukrainians, saying, “We and Ukraine cannot continue to exist on the same planet. It is impossible to coexist with infernal evil.”

In areas of Ukraine that have fallen under Russian control since the launch of the full-scale invasion in February 2022, the occupation authorities have declared that Russia has come “forever.” All traces of Ukrainian identity have been targeted and suppressed including Ukrainian language road signs, tattoos, and education. Teams of schoolteachers have even been brought in from Russia to indoctrinate Ukrainians.

As the whole world saw following the early April liberation of Kyiv region towns such as Bucha and Irpin, Russian troops have engaged in the systematic mass murder of Ukrainian civilians. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians including large numbers of children have also been subjected to forced deportation to the Russian Federation.

The horrors of Russian occupation have shaped Ukrainian attitudes toward the war. Unsurprisingly, polls consistently show that most Ukrainians reject any talk of surrendering their land (and fellow citizens) in any agreement and understand that they will never be safe until Russia is defeated.

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Many Ukrainians are also guided by their historical experience of previous genocidal campaigns waged by the Kremlin. Throughout the past eight years of Ukraine’s armed conflict with Russia, Ukrainians have repeatedly referenced the 1932-33 Holodomor famine to underscore that “Russia past and present is threatened by an independent, prosperous, and democratic Ukraine.”

While Ukrainians view their current fight against Russian imperialism as part of a centuries-long struggle, one critical distinction separates today’s brutal war from earlier atrocities. Whereas the international community largely ignored the 1930s Soviet genocide, Ukraine now enjoys overwhelming backing from the democratic world. This could well prove decisive.

History indicates that genocidal campaigns typically end either in the total victory of the perpetrators or the victims, with external support often playing a decisive role. Efforts to find “middle ground” or promote negotiated settlements in such situations do not last or protect victims.

Increased international military aid is now crucial. This aid should include more advanced weapons systems that will allow the Ukrainian military to build on recent battlefield successes and secure ultimate victory. It is equally important to enhance Ukraine’s air defense capabilities in order to protect the country’s civilian population from Russian retribution as Putin’s army is forced to retreat.

The achievements of Ukraine’s counteroffensive should be sufficient to silence the skeptics who continue to question the value of arming the country. Likewise, the accompanying scenes of liberation should be enough to convince advocates of appeasement that condemning Ukrainians to Russian occupation is morally repugnant. Now is the moment for the international community to consolidate its support for Ukraine and deal a decisive military blow to Russia’s genocidal invasion.

Kristina Hook is Assistant Professor of Conflict Management at Kennesaw State University’s School of Conflict Management, Peacebuilding, and Development and a former US Fulbright scholar to Ukraine.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Aug 10, 2022

Putin is running out of excuses as Ukraine expands the war to Crimea

By Peter Dickinson

Russian officials have denied that Ukraine was behind an audacious August 9 attack on an airbase in occupied Crimea but Moscow’s excuses are beginning to wear thin as Vladimir Putin’s invasion continues to unravel.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Aug 23, 2022

A strong Ukraine is the best solution to Europe’s Russia problem

By Oleksii Reznikov

Ukraine’s courageous response to Putin’s invasion has inspired the world but some Western leaders remain in denial over the threat posed by a hostile Russia, writes Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Sep 8, 2022

Russia may not survive Putin’s disastrous decision to invade Ukraine

By Janusz Bugajski

The Russian Federation looks set to face growing threats from domestic separatist movements in the coming years as Vladimir Putin’s disastrous decision to invade Ukraine serves as a catalyst for imperial collapse.

Civil Society Conflict

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Ukraine is winning but needs weapons to end Russia’s genocidal occupation appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Security

Ukraine intensifies offensive attacks in Kharkiv Oblast, recapturing Balakliia

Tracking narratives

Kremlin-controlled media blame NATO for private jet crash

New Russian commercial threatens Europe with energy supply shutdown

Documenting Dissent

Pushback against compulsory ‘patriotism’ lessons in Russian schools

Ukraine intensifies offensive attacks in Kharkiv Oblast, recapturing Balakliia

The situation on the front line in Ukraine is rapidly changing as the attacks intensify and the fighting becomes increasingly fierce. On September 6, the Ukrainian army launched several counteroffensives against Russian positions in the occupied areas of southern and eastern Ukraine. Russian forces are preparing to defend their positions in Izyum, while the Ukrainian army is regaining control of settlements in the Kharkiv region. Newly released footage documented several prisoners of war who had been reportedly captured during Ukraine’s counterattacks. Meanwhile, there are signs that entire Russian units were wiped out during the fight for control of Balakliia in the Kharkiv region. On September 7, the Ukrainian army announced that it had recaptured Balakliia. The DFRLab expects that Russian reinforcements will not arrive as quickly as Moscow had initially planned, given the circumstances on the ground and the fact that Ukraine has destroyed many logistical hubs in recent weeks. In addition, explosions were reported in Berdyansk and Mariupol, with Ukrainian forces most likely using artillery and drones to attack critical Russian infrastructure. 

Ukrainian forces are also using drones to launch offensive attacks in their attempt to recapture Kherson; a video released on September 3 showed Bayraktar TB2 drones striking Russian equipment along the entire front. Also on September 3, images appeared online indicating that a bridge at the Kakhovka hydroelectric power station in Kherson Oblast had partially collapsed due to intense missile strikes from Ukrainian forces, further hindering Russian troops in their logistical efforts. In the meantime, Russian forces are building more pontoon bridges to help improve transport links across Kherson Oblast. 

Elsewhere, the city of Kupiansk in Kharkiv Oblast has become one of the epicenters of clashes between Russian and Ukrainian units, experiencing heavy shelling. It seems likely that Ukraine is attempting to add pressure from south of the Izyum axis, which has become a critical bastion for the Russian army since the invasion began. Kupiansk is crucial to both Russia and Ukraine as it is a major railway junction for the northeast frontline. The situation in Kharkiv Oblast remains fraught, but Russian forces are losing important equipment, such as the Strela-10 short-range SAM system that appears to have been captured by Ukraine.

Meanwhile, the Wagner Group confirmed that its fighters took part in the capture of the village of Kodema in Donetsk Oblast. Battles for the settlement have been ongoing since mid-summer. Taking control of Kodema would open the possibility of a Russian offensive launched from Zaitseve, in the south, to reach the city of Bakhmut, making it possible to storm the city from several directions. 

As the DFRLab has previously reported, the Wagner Group generally does not promote its involvement in the Ukraine war. However, our research suggests that Wagner Group members are most likely directly under the command of the Russian military hierarchy. In Ukraine, the unit’s direct ties to Spetsnaz special operations forces and Russian military intelligence are visible. For example, with the support of Wagner and Spetsnaz units, the Russian army managed to stop an attempted attack on the strategic village of Pisky, also in Donetsk Oblast. 

On September 8, Russian sources claimed military developments in the direction of Avdiivka, mentioning an “assault operation” in the Pisky area. The operation was carried out by the far-right Sparta and Somalia Battalions, the 11th Regiment, reservists, and units of the separatist Donetsk People’s Militia. This indicates that these irregular units, with links to Spetsnaz and composed of veterans and battle-hardened fighters who have been in the Donbas since 2014, are likely to play an extended role in the fighting in Donetsk as Russia experiences morale issues with its regular fighting forces. The Russian command will also likely continue to face problems such as the rising distrust among Luhansk separatist fighters who have not been paid regularly. 

On September 3, the head of the UN nuclear watchdog said that after sustained shelling in the area, the Russian-controlled Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant in Ukraine was disconnected from its last external power line, but was still able to run electricity through a reserve line. International Atomic Energy Agency Director General Rafael Grossi said in a statement that the agency’s experts, who remained in Zaporizhzhia after arriving for an inspection last Thursday, were told by senior Ukrainian staff that the fourth and final operational line was down. IAEA experts also learned that the reserve line linking the facility to a nearby thermal power plant was delivering the electricity generated by the plant to the external grid, according to a statement. It added that the same reserve line could provide backup power to the plant if needed. Russian-backed authorities earlier said the plant had been knocked offline. 

Russian forces continue to use the plant as a shield against possible Ukrainian attacks against Russian positions in Zaporizhzhia and Enerhodar. The Insider obtained video of multiple launch rocket systems (MLRS) shelling the area near the Zaporizhzhia plant on September 3. Preliminary geolocation indicates the shelling is coming from Russia-controlled territory near the power station. A few days later, Russia attempted to deny the IAEA report about Zaporizhzhia. Russian President Vladimir Putin claimed that there is no military equipment on the grounds of the plant, other than Rosgvardia elements. Rosgvardiya is the national guard of Russia and fulfills different roles in the context of Ukraine, serving as  both occupation forces and military reinforcements. 

—Ruslan Trad, Resident Fellow for Security Research, Sofia, Bulgaria 

Kremlin-controlled media blame NATO for private jet crash

Pro-Kremlin media outlets accused NATO of taking down a Cessna 551 private jet near Latvia. The private jet was expected to fly from Spain to Germany on September 4 but lost contact with air traffic controllers shortly after takeoff. After the plane went dark, fighter jets from Germany, Denmark, and Sweden intercepted the jet to make visual contact with the plane, but were unsuccessful in locating the crew. The plane later crashed in the Baltic Sea near Latvia. The jet was owned by private jet chartering company Quick Air. 

Pro-Kremlin media were quick to suggest that NATO was behind the crash. Pravda.ru cited three possible reasons for the crash in a headline that read, “Cessna 551 crash: depressurization, NATO missile or crew poisoning.” Similarly, Tsargrad, the media outlet associated with Alexander Dugin, published an article with the headline, “Did NATO forces open fire? Plane crashed off the coast of Latvia.” 

Other Kremlin-controlled media outlets, like Gazeta.ru, RBK, Rambler, and NTV, did not directly blame NATO for the plane crash but implied involvement by focusing on the fact that fighter jets belonging to NATO member states intercepted the plane. For example, Gazeta.ru wrote, “NATO fighters were lifted into the air. Following this, the aircraft began to lose speed and altitude. It was found off the coast of Latvia.” 

Outlets such as RBK, Rambler, and NTV referenced a Reuters report that cited a Lithuanian Air Force spokesperson who confirmed “that fighter aircraft from the NATO Baltic Air Police mission in Amari airfield in Estonia had taken off to follow the plane.” RBK also cited Reuters when reporting, “NATO fighters based in Estonia were raised to intercept it.” Similarly, Rambler reported that “a private plane Cessna 551 crashed northwest of the city of Ventspils in Latvia; NATO fighters were raised to intercept the aircraft.”

—Nika Aleksejeva, Lead Researcher, Riga, Latvia

New Russian commercial threatens Europe with energy supply shutdown

In a newly released commercial, Russia appeared to threaten to cut Europe off from access to all Russian energy supplies this winter. The ad, which has gone viral on social media, includes a song with the lyrics, “Winter will be big, only twilight and snow.” 

In the commercial, a man wearing the uniform of Gazprom, the Russian national gas company, seemingly shuts off a gas supply, and a pressure gauge is seen falling to zero. The footage also includes scenes showing the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. The next scenes show EU flags and European capitals covered in snow. The video also includes footage of windmills and solar panels, which may be an attempt to communicate that Europe will not be able to heat their cities in the winter using green energy. 

Gazprom denied being involved in the creation of the commercial but commented that “the video is great.” 

The commercial has surfaced on YouTube, VK, pro-Russian outlets, and pro-Kremlin Telegram channels.

—Eto Buziashvili, Research Associate, Washington DC

Pushback against compulsory ‘patriotism’ lessons in Russian schools

On September 5, Russia launched compulsory patriotism lessons referred to as Razgovory o Vazhnom (“Conversations about the Important”) in schools across the country. The Telegram channel Mozhem Obyasnity (“We Can Explain”) reported that some parents kept their children at home to boycott the lesson. On September 3, Telegram channel Utro Fevralya (“February Morning”) reported that a mother in Yekaterinburg wrote a letter to her son’s teacher stating that she is “categorically against” the new program. “I’ve seen the lesson plans,” she continued. “I think there is no place for propaganda in school.” The teacher responded that the school administration had ruled that the son did not need to attend the class. Similarly, on September 6, Utro Fevralya reported that a father in rural Novokievskii Uval who demanded that his child be excused from the lesson was told by the school administration, “If the child does not like it, he may not listen, but he is obliged to attend.” 

On August 30, the Russian Teachers’ Union and women’s rights organization Myagkaya Sila published an open letter condemning the new lesson and calling on parents to boycott the program by demanding their children not be taught propaganda. The letter cited a federal education law permitting students to choose their extracurricular courses; while the class is mandatory, it is technically extracurricular programming. 

On September 5, the Mozhem Obyasnity Telegram channel reported that all course materials had been removed from their official website. On September 7, the materials reappeared, but mentions of Russia’s “special military operation” had been removed. 

The “patriotic” extracurricular lessons are scheduled for Monday mornings for students in grades one to eleven. The official website for the program includes lesson plans through November 28, 2022.

—Nika Aleksejeva, Lead Researcher, Riga, Latvia

The post Russian War Report: Ukraine intensifies offensive attacks in Kharkiv Oblast appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Putin’s criminal war is having a truly historic impact on Ukrainian society and bringing Ukrainians together in a quite literal sense. The invasion has forced millions of Ukrainians to flee to the west of the country, where they have either sought refuge or traveled further into the EU. This has led to unprecedented intermingling between Ukrainians from different regions of the country, which is fueling feelings of solidarity and national integration. Recent opinion polls consistently indicate converging opinions on national identity, language, relations with Russia, and future geopolitical objectives among Ukrainians from all regions of the country. One of the national issues Ukrainians are now most united on is the need for de-Russification.

A further factor driving national integration is the mobilization of hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians to serve in the country’s military, with many deploying to frontline regions in the east and the south. Likewise, Ukraine’s large volunteer force is based throughout the country, bringing a wide variety of people from different professional and regional backgrounds into contact with each other for the first time.

The invasion is also speeding up Ukraine’s linguistic de-Russification, with the Russian language now increasingly associated with military aggression. The number of Ukrainians who support Ukrainian as the country’s official state language has risen to 86%. Just 2% of Ukrainians believe Moscow’s claims of a “genocide” against the country’s Russian speakers, but the deliberate weaponization of the Russian language by Vladimir Putin has led many Ukrainians to view the language less favorably.

At the same time, Russian remains widely used in everyday life throughout Ukraine. Language change is a slow process with Russian-speakers typically becoming bilingual before fully adopting Ukrainian. Recent data indicates that 85% use both Ukrainian and Russian at home while just 13% of the Ukrainian population uses only Russian.

Ethnic re-identification appears to be proceeding at a faster pace with 92% of Ukrainian citizens now declaring themselves ethnic Ukrainian in one recent survey. This figure would make Ukraine the third most homogeneous country in Europe after Portugal and Poland. Meanwhile, only 5% of today’s Ukrainian population identified as ethnic Russians in the same survey, representing a striking decline from 22% in the 1989 Soviet census and 17% in the 2001 Ukrainian census.

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Ukraine’s relationship with the past is undergoing radical change in response to Russia’s invasion, leading to a widening of the memory divide separating the two neighboring countries. Only 11% of Ukrainians now express nostalgia for the USSR compared to approximately two-thirds of Russians. Likewise, 84% of Ukrainians hold a negative view of Stalin while most Russians have a positive attitude toward the Soviet dictator.

Meanwhile, Ukrainian attitudes toward the country’s twentieth century liberation movement have experienced a major shift. During the early decades of Ukrainian independence, public opinion was often deeply divided on the issue of Ukrainian nationalist groups. This began to change following the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution, when 41% expressed positive views of the OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army). Since the February 2022 invasion, this figure has rocketed to 81%.

Ukrainians are now less inclined to differentiate between the Kremlin and ordinary Russians. Following the invasion of Crimea and eastern Ukraine in 2014, a majority of Ukrainians blamed Russia’s leadership. However, they now overwhelmingly hold both the Kremlin and the Russian people responsible for the current invasion. As a consequence, the number of Ukrainians who express positive views of Russians has plummeted from 47% in 2018 to just 3% today.

This collapse in positive attitudes toward ordinary Russians is not difficult to explain. Everything from polling data to anecdotal evidence demonstrates overwhelming Russian public support for the invasion of Ukraine. Millions of Ukrainians with relatives in Russia have personal experience of their family members either applauding the war or accusing them of lying about the horrors of the invasion.

It is also striking that the vast majority of civilian victims during the first six months of the invasion have been the same Russian-speaking Ukrainians in the south and east of the country who Putin claims to be protecting. Tens of thousands were murdered in Mariupol alone, while dozens of other towns and villages have been similarly reduced to ruins in regions of Ukraine that the Kremlin cynically trumpets as “historical Russian lands.”

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Given the scale of the carnage, it is hardly surprising that 89% of Ukrainians believe the Kremlin is committing genocide in Ukraine. Almost nine in ten Ukrainians think Russia is seeking the destruction of the Ukrainian state and Ukrainian national identity, while half regard Russia as a fascist regime.

This sense that Ukraine is facing an existential challenge is fueling de-Russification and is also driving Ukrainians to reject any talk of a compromise peace. There is a strong sense throughout the country that without a decisive victory, Ukraine will never be secure. Around half of Ukrainians believe there can never be reconciliation with Russia and another third think it may only become possible in two to three decades. In other words, 78% of Ukrainians rule out any normalization of relations with Russia for at least a generation.

De-Russification at the official level has seen openly pro-Kremlin political parties banned and pro-Kremlin media shuttered. The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) in Ukraine is on life support with only 4% of Ukrainians now professing membership. This is compared to 54% who identify as members of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine. With the Ukrainian government recently imposing sanctions on ROC head Patriarch Kirill and seven leading members of the ROC clergy for their role in the invasion, the ROC has an uncertain future in Ukraine.

Ukraine’s school curriculum is undergoing wartime de-Russification, with Ukrainian schoolchildren no longer studying Russian language and literature. The cultural de-Russification process also includes the removal of monuments to Russian literary figures such as Pushkin and Dostoyevsky, along with changes to thousands of street and place names across the country.

Monuments to Russian-Ukrainian friendship along with Russian and Soviet history are being rebranded or pulled down. In Kyiv, a prominent monument to Russian-Ukrainian friendship has been renamed while the city’s iconic motherland monument will have its Soviet crest replaced by a Ukrainian tryzub (trident). In Odesa, debate is raging about whether to remove the monument to Russian Empress Catherine the Great.

Irrespective of how long the war will last, it already seems clear that the end product will be a de-Russified and Europeanized Ukraine. This is exactly what Vladimir Putin hoped to prevent. The Russian dictator’s genocidal invasion is both a crime and a blunder on a scale unparalleled in modern European history.

Taras Kuzio is a Professor of Political Science at the National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Aug 10, 2022

Putin is running out of excuses as Ukraine expands the war to Crimea

By Peter Dickinson

Russian officials have denied that Ukraine was behind an audacious August 9 attack on an airbase in occupied Crimea but Moscow’s excuses are beginning to wear thin as Vladimir Putin’s invasion continues to unravel.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Aug 23, 2022

A strong Ukraine is the best solution to Europe’s Russia problem

By Oleksii Reznikov

Ukraine’s courageous response to Putin’s invasion has inspired the world but some Western leaders remain in denial over the threat posed by a hostile Russia, writes Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Aug 24, 2022

Ukraine’s six key conditions for peace talks with Putin’s Russia

By Anders Åslund

After six months of battlefield setbacks in Ukraine, there are indications that Vladimir Putin is seeking a return to the negotiating table. Anders Åslund sets out six key conditions for Ukraine ahead of any potential peace talks.

Conflict Economic Sanctions

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The post Russia’s self-defeating invasion: Why Vladimir Putin has lost Ukraine forever appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Putin came to power in this culture of impunity and has used it to his advantage. Over the past two decades, he has rehabilitated the Soviet past and revived the glorification of Russia’s imperial identity, making it possible to challenge Ukraine’s very right to exist. For this reason, it is imperative that Putin and other key members of his regime now face a long overdue reckoning. But is such an outcome even possible?

The most obvious route to a reckoning is via international justice. Given the massive scale of the crimes being committed by Russian forces in Ukraine, it is unclear what would be the best forum for prosecutions. Investigators from the International Criminal Court (ICC) are already investigating war crimes in Ukraine, while the UN Human Rights Council has established an Independent Commission of Inquiry. Meanwhile, the Ukrainians themselves have begun putting individual Russian soldiers on trial. These efforts will probably result in war crimes prosecutions but it may be many years before key verdicts are delivered. It is also extremely unlikely that Putin himself will ever end up in the dock.

With these uncertainties in mind, we need to ask what true accountability would look like. Holding criminals accountable is meant to deter them and others from future crimes, foster reconciliation between perpetrators and victims, and promote sustainable peace. As Putin’s crimes are rooted in an historic failure to impose accountability, any legal punishments for the invasion of Ukraine would only go so far in accomplishing these goals. Prosecuting war criminals must go hand in hand with efforts to challenge the historical narrative that drove the invasion in the first place. This means confronting Russia’s imperial identity and addressing the toxic notion that Ukrainians have no right to exist as an independent nation.

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If Russia is to be held accountable, the international community must do everything possible to ensure a Ukrainian military victory and the liberation of all occupied Ukrainian land. Following Russia’s defeat on the battlefield, Ukraine will need to receive credible security guarantees offering protection equivalent to NATO membership. Likewise, Western leaders should commit to making Russia pay reparations. Above all, the war must end on Ukraine’s terms. Any attempts to push Ukraine into accepting a compromise peace would be an affront to the country’s immense sacrifices and would also fly in the face of the need for accountability. It is vital that Russia publicly recognize its guilt and acknowledge the sanctity of Ukrainian sovereignty.

One way to achieve greater accountability is by empowering Ukrainians. The international community must work to support Ukrainian society in its efforts to hold Russia accountable. This support should include everything from technical assistance to helping local civil society systematically gather evidence and document atrocities. Ukraine has a functioning legal system but it does not have nearly enough capacity to cope with the volume of war crimes committed by Russian forces over the past six months. International assistance can make a big difference.

Ukraine’s international partners should also assist in the long quest to identify all the victims of Russia’s genocide. For the average Ukrainian, anger at Putin may be something of an abstraction. Indeed, while he is the individual most directly responsible for the invasion, he is neither the soldier who pulled the trigger nor the one who launched the bombs that destroyed civilian homes, hospitals, and schools. Like genocidaires throughout history, Putin’s intent is to destroy Ukrainian culture, language, and national identity, but he does not act alone. Recognizing each and every victim is an important step towards meaningful accountability for the crimes committed against the Ukrainian nation.

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We need to consider how to target Putin’s false historical narratives at their very roots. One way to do this is to recognize, as Yale historian Timothy Snyder has said, that we need more history and less memory. While it is an open question to what extent Russians themselves bear collective responsibility for Putin’s invasion, polls indicate that a clear majority of Russians do support the war. While exact figures remain elusive, many Russians have evidently bought into Putin’s views of history. With Russia becoming an increasingly closed and authoritarian country, where does that leave those of us who want to see accountability from the inside out?

Here, we need to think beyond the immediate term. “Canceling” Russian culture is not necessarily the answer, but amplifying Ukrainians and their culture absolutely is. Getting their stories to Russians is critical, whether through technologies like VPNs or by supporting the Russian investigative journalists who have fled the country but are continuing their courageous work while based outside Russia.

Here in the West, we can work to advance public awareness, both of today’s Russian genocide and of historic Soviet crimes. This means making sure we document them in history books, teach them in schools, memorialize the victims in public places, and even recognize our own complicity in ignoring past events like the Soviet-era Holodomor famine in Ukraine.

Putin and his regime must face legal punishment for the genocidal invasion of Ukraine. But in order to achieve meaningful accountability, we must also address the unrepentant imperialism that makes it possible for Russians to dehumanize Ukrainians and destroy entire Ukrainian cities. This will require a long-term approach to historical justice that goes beyond the courtroom and seeks to strengthen every aspect of Ukrainian statehood while fundamentally challenging the way Russians view their own past.

Danielle Johnson holds a PhD in Politics from Oxford University and specializes in Russian and Ukrainian affairs.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Aug 10, 2022

Putin is running out of excuses as Ukraine expands the war to Crimea

By Peter Dickinson

Russian officials have denied that Ukraine was behind an audacious August 9 attack on an airbase in occupied Crimea but Moscow’s excuses are beginning to wear thin as Vladimir Putin’s invasion continues to unravel.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Aug 21, 2022

What Ukraine needs to win the war

By Richard D. Hooker, Jr.

Ukraine can win the war against Vladimir Putin’s Russia and secure an extended peace in Europe but victory depends on receiving Western support that goes well beyond the current level, writes Richard D. Hooker Jr.

Conflict Drones

UkraineAlert Aug 23, 2022

A strong Ukraine is the best solution to Europe’s Russia problem

By Oleksii Reznikov

Ukraine’s courageous response to Putin’s invasion has inspired the world but some Western leaders remain in denial over the threat posed by a hostile Russia, writes Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov.

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The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

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The post Russia must be held accountable for committing genocide in Ukraine appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s bid to redraw Europe’s borders by force was accompanied by one of the most sophisticated information offensives ever launched. As the Ukrainian Armed Forces fight to end the occupation of Crimea, it is also vitally important to debunk the disinformation promoted by the Kremlin to justify the 2014 takeover of the Ukrainian peninsula.

A recently launched English-language online course aims to educate international audiences about Crimean history. Developed by the Ukrainian Institute and EdEra online education studio with the support of the International Renaissance Foundation, the “Crimea: History and People” initiative explores the history and culture of the Crimean Tatars while telling the story of Crimea from the perspective of the peninsula’s indigenous people. This approach aims to decolonize the history of Crimea and counter the many imperial Russian narratives that continue to dominate international perceptions.

This initiative is arguably long overdue. Ever since the Russian invasion in early 2014, Moscow’s false claim that Crimea is “historically Russian land” has remained largely unchallenged in the international arena. In reality, Russia did not appear until relatively late in Crimea’s more than two thousand years of recorded history, with the Russian Empire annexing the peninsula in the final years of eighteenth century. Prior to this, Crimea had been home to the Crimean Khanate for over three hundred years, a far longer span than the subsequent period spent under Russian rule. This is largely overlooked in Russian histories and is rarely referenced in international coverage of Crimea. Instead, the peninsula is misleadingly portrayed as part of Russia’s ancient heritage. This helps legitimize Moscow’s wholly illegitimate claims to Crimea.

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Since Ukraine became independent in 1991, the process of decolonizing the country’s past has been slowly gathering pace. A more nuanced study of the entire post-Soviet region that goes beyond traditional Russia-centric approaches is essential for anyone seeking to make sense of contemporary Ukraine or looking to understand the origins of the invasion launched by the Kremlin in February 2022. This is perhaps nowhere truer than on the issue of Crimea.

For decades following the Soviet collapse, many international observers spoke favorably of the “civilized” divorce between Russia and Ukraine. They often identified Crimea in particular as a success story, noting the absence of violent conflict and praising the compromises that made it possible to manage the return of the Crimean Tatars from Soviet exile along with the division of the Black Sea Fleet.

The true picture of Crimea in the 1990s is not quite so rosy. While open conflict was indeed avoided, the volatile political debates that raged over the future of the peninsula highlighted the continued strength of imperial sentiment in the supposedly democratic and pro-Western Russia of the Boris Yeltsin era. Russian politicians agitated against Ukraine over the issue of Crimea throughout the 1990s and were often accused of fueling separatist movements on the peninsula. As Paul D’Anieri noted in his 2019 book Ukraine and Russia: From Civilized Divorce to Uncivil War, “Even many Russian liberals who accepted Ukraine’s independence believed that Crimea, Sevastopol, and the Black Sea Fleet were Russian.”

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Simmering imperial anger in Russia over the loss of Crimea was a warning sign of potential conflict that went unheeded and ultimately led to today’s war. It is now painfully apparent that Russian society as a whole has never fully accepted the loss of Ukraine and still clings to obsolete notions of the country’s place within Russian imperial identity. Failure to move beyond the imperial past in the 1990s has turned modern Russia into a backward-looking country that is driven by a revisionist desire to reassert its authority over former colonies rather than building pragmatic neighborly relations.

The Western world must share some of the blame for this tragic reality. During the 1990s, many Western politicians and academics continued to view the post-Soviet world through a Russian prism while embracing Kremlin-friendly historical narratives shaped by centuries of Czarist imperialism. This helped to justify Russia’s continued regional dominance while reducing the newly independent peoples of the former USSR to the status of footnotes in their own national stories. It is now time to challenge such outdated thinking and decolonize perceptions of the entire post-Soviet region.

For far too long, academic courses at Western universities focusing on Eastern European studies have placed disproportionate emphasis on understanding Russia. In the years to come, this needs to change. Instead, Western academics must dedicate far more time to understanding Ukraine. Learning about the complex history of Crimea from a non-Russian perspective is an important step in the right direction.

Dr. Oleksandra Gaidai is Head of Academic Programmes at the Ukrainian Institute.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Aug 2, 2022

Putin’s entire Ukraine invasion hinges on the coming Battle of Kherson

By Peter Dickinson

Ukraine’s much anticipated counter-offensive in the south of the country is now gathering momentum with many observers predicting that the looming Battle of Kherson will decide the fate of Vladimir Putin’s entire invasion.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Aug 21, 2022

What Ukraine needs to win the war

By Richard D. Hooker, Jr.

Ukraine can win the war against Vladimir Putin’s Russia and secure an extended peace in Europe but victory depends on receiving Western support that goes well beyond the current level, writes Richard D. Hooker Jr.

Conflict Drones

UkraineAlert Aug 24, 2022

Ukraine’s six key conditions for peace talks with Putin’s Russia

By Anders Åslund

After six months of battlefield setbacks in Ukraine, there are indications that Vladimir Putin is seeking a return to the negotiating table. Anders Åslund sets out six key conditions for Ukraine ahead of any potential peace talks.

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The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Decolonizing Crimean history appeared first on Atlantic Council.

This is no longer the case. In 1948, the United Nations adopted the Genocide Convention based in large part on the visionary efforts of Raphael Lemkin, a lawyer who studied in Lviv and went on to coin the term “genocide.” Lemkin was driven by the idea that crimes committed on the national scale must not go unpunished. He warned that impunity would be seen as an invitation for further atrocities. Unless crimes against humanity were punished, they would be repeated.  

When seeking to define genocide, Lemkin highlighted the crimes committed by the Soviet regime in Ukraine. He saw the Kremlin’s systematic efforts to destroy the Ukrainian nation as a “classic example of Soviet genocide.” The central event of the Soviet Union’s genocidal campaign in Ukraine was the murder of over four million Ukrainians through artificial famine in the early 1930s.

The Soviet authorities experienced almost no negative consequences as a result of this unparalleled slaughter. Indeed, just months after the peak of the famine, the United States granted the USSR official recognition. The outside world simply refused to listen to the handful of courageous voices such as British journalist Gareth Jones who attempted to shed light on the apocalyptic reality of the famine.

Instead of being celebrated for his revelations, Jones was shamefully attacked by his fellow international correspondents. The loudest voice was that of Walter Duranty, the Moscow bureau chief of the New York Times. It says much about how little has been learned that this disgraced genocide accomplice still holds a Pulitzer Prize despite calls for him to be posthumously stripped of the award.

Since regaining independence in 1991, Ukrainians have thrown off the shackles of Soviet censorship and chronicled the full extent of the Holodomor (“Death by Hunger”), as the famine is known in Ukraine. During the post-Soviet era, growing awareness of the Holodomor has been instrumental in bringing about a broader re-evaluation of the country’s totalitarian past.

The same cannot be said for modern Russia. Far from acknowledging the famine as an act of genocide, Moscow continues to downplay or deny Soviet crimes against humanity. Meanwhile, Russian President Vladimir Putin has sought to rehabilitate the entire Soviet era and has built modern Russian national identity around a cult-like veneration of the USSR’s role in the defeat of Nazi Germany. Attempts to condemn the mass murders of the Soviet regime are now routinely dismissed as unpatriotic and anti-Russian, while Stalin himself is once again openly celebrated as a great leader.

Given the complete failure to hold Russia accountable for the crimes of the past, it is hardly surprising that these crimes are now being repeated. As Lemkin feared, impunity has set the stage for a new era of atrocities.

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The ideological foundations for today’s genocide were first laid in the wake of Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution. This Ukrainian pro-democracy uprising was a watershed moment for the entire post-Soviet region. It was viewed with horror by many in Moscow, who saw it as the next stage in a Russian imperial retreat that began with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.

Putin’s response was to enter into increasingly open confrontation with the West while seeking to reassert Russian authority throughout the post-Soviet region. In the years following the Orange Revolution, the Kremlin developed the concept of the “Russkiy Mir” (“Russian World”), meaning a community of people beyond the borders of modern Russia bound by common ties of language, culture and religion who owe their allegiance to Moscow.  

As the concept of the Russian World evolved, state officials and regime proxies in Moscow began to directly question the legitimacy of the Soviet collapse and challenge the verdict of 1991. It became increasingly common to hear prominent figures publicly deny the sovereignty and national identity of former Soviet republics or reject the entire notion of an independent Ukraine.

This unashamedly imperial agenda was actively promoted for over a decade throughout the Russian information space via everything from blockbuster movies and TV documentaries to opinion pieces and public holidays. Kremlin troll factories seeded social media with revisionist historical narratives justifying Russian expansionism, while an endless parade of Kremlin-curated political talk shows primed the Russian public for the coming genocide.

A major landmark in these efforts came in summer 2021 with the publication of Putin’s personal essay “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians.” This historically illiterate 5000-word treatise was widely interpreted as a declaration of war against Ukrainian statehood. The Russian dictator used the article to reiterate his frequently voiced conviction that Russians and Ukrainians are “one people” while also claiming that much of modern-day Ukraine occupies historically Russian lands. He concluded with a thinly veiled threat, declaring, “I am confident that true sovereignty of Ukraine is possible only in partnership with Russia.”

Despite these very public preparations for genocide, few observers were prepared for the atrocities that would come in the wake of Russia’s February 2022 invasion. In the weeks leading up to the invasion, reports emerged of detailed Russian plans for mass detentions, concentration camps, and priority kill lists. These warnings were widely dismissed as inconceivable but were to prove all too accurate. 

The scale of Russia’s crimes over the past six months remains difficult to comprehend. Entire cities have been reduced to rubble. Thousands have been executed. Millions have been forcibly deported to Russia. The core infrastructure of the Ukrainian state has been methodically targeted for destruction, along with the country’s cultural heritage. In areas under Russian occupation, all national symbols and traces of Ukrainian identity are being eradicated. The entire world is witnessing a textbook example of genocide unfolding in real time on smartphone screens and social media threads. 

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A sense of shock over the magnitude of Russian atrocities is understandable. However, it is also important to note that recognizable elements of the current genocide have already been underway for an extended period in regions of Ukraine occupied by Russia since 2014. Over the past eight years, Crimea and eastern Ukraine’s Donbas region have become human rights black holes marked by the suppression of Ukrainian identity, language, and history along with the physical displacement of Ukrainians and arrival of Russian citizens. Once again, impunity has invited escalation. 

The world is slowly waking up to Russian genocide in Ukraine. Parliaments in countries including Canada, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland have all recognized the Russian invasion as an act of genocide. Others are expected to follow suit. At the same time, there is still considerable international reluctance to confront Putin’s Russia. Advocates of appeasement point to Moscow’s nuclear arsenal and highlight the need to maintain a dialogue with the Kremlin in order to address a range of global issues. Russia is simply too big and too important to isolate, they argue.

This emphasis on compromise over confrontation risks further eroding international security. If Moscow is able to evade justice for committing genocide in Ukraine, other authoritarian regimes will surely see this as a green light. China in particular is closely monitoring the democratic world’s response to Russia’s invasion and will draw the necessary conclusions for its own foreign policy.

It is now painfully clear that failure to hold the USSR accountable in 1991 was a major error. A Nuremburg-style trial exposing the crimes of the Soviet era could have helped facilitate the post-Soviet transition to democracy and prevented Russia’s return to authoritarianism under Putin.  

This makes it all the more imperative that Vladimir Putin and his accomplices now face justice. Even if they remain in power and beyond the reach of international law, there is nothing to stop the civilized world from holding a trial in absentia. Such an undertaking would send a clear message to the Russian people and to authoritarian regimes around the world that the age of impunity for crimes against humanity is over. 

Genocide is no longer a crime without a name. On the contrary, the global community officially recognizes genocide as the gravest of all crimes. Nevertheless, this has not prevented today’s Russia from plotting and conducting a genocidal invasion in plain sight. Moscow’s boldness owes much to the sense of impunity engendered by a complete lack of accountability for the crimes of the Soviet regime. The world cannot afford to make the same mistake again.

Alexander Khara is a fellow at the Centre for Defence Strategies.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Mar 23, 2022

Vladimir Putin’s Ukraine War can end in only two ways: Genocide or defeat

By Peter Dickinson

Vladimir Putin has repeatedly stated that he regards Ukrainians as Russians and does not recognize Ukraine’s right to exist. Unless he is defeated, his Ukraine invasion may deteriorate into a genocide in the heart of Europe.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Jun 27, 2022

Odesa rejects Russia: Putin’s Ukraine War turns old allies into bitter enemies

By Oleksiy Goncharenko

Putin has long claimed to be the champion of pro-Russian Ukrainians. However, the Ukrainian regions most closely associated with pro-Kremlin sentiment have also been hardest hit by the current invasion.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert May 24, 2022

Putin’s Mariupol Massacre is one of the 21st century’s worst war crimes

By Paul Niland

The Russian destruction of Mariupol ranks among the gravest crimes against humanity of the twenty-first century and sends a clear message to the international community that can be no compromise peace with Putin.

Conflict Democratic Transitions

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Putin’s Ukraine genocide is rooted in Russian impunity for Soviet crimes appeared first on Atlantic Council.

The remarkable resilience of the Ukrainian nation has shocked and impressed many observers around the world. But those of us who live and work in Ukraine are not nearly so surprised. As the conflict approaches the six-month mark, it is important to understand that a war designed to crush Ukrainian independence has in fact resulted in a stronger, unifying Ukrainian identity centered on the principles of freedom and democracy. This is best exemplified by the mood among young Ukrainians.

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Russia’s war is not the first time Ukraine’s emerging post-Soviet generation has risen to the challenge of resisting a return to authoritarianism. In 2004, when widespread voter fraud in the country’s presidential election seemed poised to undo independent Ukraine’s hard-fought freedoms and fledgling democratic values, young Ukrainians were among the leading organizers of the Orange Revolution.

Ten years later, Ukrainian youth once again rose to the occasion, but this time as leaders of the Euromaidan Revolution following the Ukrainian government’s Kremlin-backed decision to reject an Association Agreement with the European Union. As the Russian Federation now seeks to rob Ukraine of its sovereignty, we are once again witnessing Ukrainian youth at the center of the fight for the future of their country.

This younger generation of Ukrainians born following the collapse of the USSR is leading positive change on multiple fronts including the military and civil society. Many thousands are currently serving in the Ukrainian Armed Forces. As the war rages around them, young Ukrainians are also volunteering in large numbers to distribute humanitarian aid through digital platforms like SpivDiia that match people’s needs with resources from businesses and private individuals. 

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Young Ukrainians in government are designing cutting-edge solutions to meet emergency wartime needs. Young journalists are risking their lives to provide accurate information and document Russian war crimes. Many of these journalists have recently been recognized for their professional accomplishments, including Ukrainska Pravda Chief Editor Sevgil Hayretdın Qızı Musaieva, who was named this year by Time Magazine as one of the world’s top 100 most influential people.

Another example is Mykhailo Fedorov. The 31-year-old Minister of Digital Transformation and Ukraine’s youngest cabinet member has rallied the Ukrainian IT community and lobbied international tech companies to support Ukraine in the digital hybrid war against Russia. He is also behind the wartime adaptation of a government app that is providing social benefits to millions of internally displaced people who lost their jobs as a result of the war. Deputy Minister of Health Mariia Karchevych is another high-profile government official under 35 who is coordinating the flow of humanitarian aid throughout the country.

In addition to supporting the country’s wartime needs, young Ukrainians are also on the frontlines of the fight against Russian propaganda. From the very first days of the invasion, numerous professional and grassroots initiatives have emerged to expose the Kremlin’s disinformation campaigns.

In the months and years to come, youth will remain on the Ukrainian frontlines, both literally and figuratively. They will need to play an integral part in Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction, helping to shape important initiatives such as youth-friendly mental health services and educational efforts to address wartime interruptions in learning.

As the world marks International Youth Day on August 12, it is important that we recognize the contributions of young Ukrainians in government and civil society as well as in the military. And as national and international stakeholders look to rebuild Ukraine, it is also crucial that we continue supporting, listening to, and engaging this younger generation to make sure they remain at the heart of the post-war recovery process.

Ukraine’s resilient response to Russian aggression highlights the country’s commitment to democratic values and active citizen participation. It reflects a remarkable readiness to take personal responsibility for the future of the country. Amid the horrific destruction of the Russian invasion, young Ukrainians are playing a crucial role in consolidating an even stronger sense of national identity. This victory is as strategically important as any military success for the future of Ukraine’s statehood.

Mehri Druckman is IREX’s Country Director for Ukraine and Chief of Party for the USAID funded Ukraine National Identity Through Youth (UNITY) program. SpivDiia is an IREX grantee.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Aug 9, 2022

Flawed Amnesty report risks enabling more Russian war crimes in Ukraine

By Lillian Posner

Amnesty International’s recent report accusing Ukraine of endangering civilian lives has sparked a wave of international criticism and is being actively used by the Kremlin to justify Russian bombing of civilian targets.

Civil Society Conflict

UkraineAlert Aug 10, 2022

Putin is running out of excuses as Ukraine expands the war to Crimea

By Peter Dickinson

Russian officials have denied that Ukraine was behind an audacious August 9 attack on an airbase in occupied Crimea but Moscow’s excuses are beginning to wear thin as Vladimir Putin’s invasion continues to unravel.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Aug 5, 2022

Russia’s invasion is putting the future of Ukraine’s forests at risk

By Yehor Hrynyk

As the Russian invasion approaches the six-month mark, Ukraine’s forests are facing the twin threats of frontline wildfires and wartime emergency economic measures that could lead to a disastrous increase in logging.

Conflict Eastern Europe

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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The post Generation UA: Young Ukrainians are driving the resistance to Russia’s war appeared first on Atlantic Council.

This raises challenging questions regarding the separation of culture from politics and the role played by culture in Russian imperialism. With Russian troops occupying vast swathes of Ukraine and Russian President Vladimir Putin proudly declaring the return of “historic Russian lands,” is now the right time for Russian intellectuals to rally in defense of Pushkin?

Figures like Shishkin certainly have the right to speak out over perceived attacks on Russian culture in wartime Ukraine. Yet others also have the right to challenge the intent behind such statements. As Russia’s genocidal campaign enters its sixth month with no apparent end in sight, what message do famous Russian intellectuals wish to convey when they use their name recognition to focus on the preservation of Russian culture in Ukraine? Are they really tone-deaf to the centuries of imperial politics underpinning the formerly dominant position of Russian culture in Ukraine? Do they not see how Putin has weaponized Russian culture in his quest to rebuild the Russian Empire?

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Russia is committing genocide against the Ukrainian people and making no secret of the fact. On the contrary, the overwhelming physical evidence of war crimes in Ukraine itself is supported by an endless array of proofs from Russian officials and propagandists in Moscow that demonstrate clear and unambiguous genocidal intent.

Since the invasion began on February 24, testimonies of survivors who fled Russian occupation have made clear that Putin’s ultimate objective is to wipe Ukraine off the map. Russian troops are trying to achieve this criminal goal through a combination of mass murder, terror tactics, deportation and depopulation. Mass graves have been uncovered wherever Russian troops have been forced to retreat. The Ukrainian authorities have been overwhelmed with accounts of torture and sexual violence. Thousands of Ukrainian children have been forcibly relocated to Russia. Air raid sirens sound in nearly every region of Ukraine on a weekly or sometimes daily basis. Civilian buildings are frequently the target of missile strikes. Millions of Ukrainians have fled their homes. No part of the country is safe.

Meanwhile, Kremlin TV pundits routinely question the legitimacy of Ukrainian statehood and call for the forced “re-education” of Ukrainians to rob them of their Ukrainian identity. Officials declare that Ukraine “no longer exists,” while editorials in Russian state media confirm the invasion’s stated military goal of “de-Nazification” actually means “de-Ukrainianization.” Former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, who the West once naively hailed as a liberal change-maker, now regularly posts deranged anti-Ukrainian messages on his Telegram channel alongside maps of Ukraine divided up among Russia and other neighboring countries.

Throughout occupied Ukraine, the campaign to erase Ukrainian identity frequently employs Russian cultural icons. For example, billboards featuring giant portraits of Pushkin have been erected in the occupied city of Kherson in southern Ukraine as part of efforts to promote Russia’s imperial claims. In such circumstances, it is only natural that Ukrainians would begin to view Russian culture as an extension of Russian military aggression and cling more fiercely to their national identity instead.

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Several noted Ukrainian authors who wrote mostly in Russian until the invasion have underlined how the conflict has made it impossible to separate culture from politics.

One such example is Volodymyr Rafeyenko, who wrote Mondegreen, his first novel in Ukrainian, after fleeing his native Donetsk in 2014. As he explained in a recent piece for Literary Hub, he was fully prepared to be a bilingual author but everything changed following the start of the full-scale invasion in February. “Genocide, the murders of children and adults, rapes, torture, the destruction of churches and museums, kindergartens and schools. Beastly, ungodly cruelty. All of this will be closely connected with the Russian language. And nothing can be done about it. The Russian language in its entirety has become obscene, speech outside the bounds of decent human discourse. And these days, if I have to use it in some private communication, I always feel something like disgust mixed with shame, guilt and physical pain.” After February 24, Rafeyenko found himself displaced yet again due to Russian aggression when he and his wife were trapped in the occupied suburbs of Kyiv. Thanks to the help of friends, they were able to evacuate to the west of the country.

The daily brutality of Russia’s invasion has compelled many Ukrainian artists to call on the world to suspend any and all cooperation with the Russian cultural sphere for as long as the war continues. Critics like Mikhail Shishkin have argued that it is Putin and not Pushkin who is directly responsible for the crimes taking place in Ukraine. Many Russian liberals appear to find it incomprehensible that poetry and other forms of high art could be spoken of in the same vein as mass torture, kidnapping, rape, and murder. Such posturing is either conveniently shortsighted or intellectually dishonest. 

For centuries, Russian literature has played an important role in the shaping of negative imperialistic stereotypes about Ukraine. The country has routinely been depicted as a backward and inferior region of Russia that is incapable of self-rule and undeserving of statehood. One particularly notorious example is the infamous poem by celebrated Soviet dissident Joseph Brodsky entitled “On the Independence of Ukraine,” which was written during the breakup of the Soviet Union. In this vicious and vulgar poem, he uses a Russian ethnic slur to refer to Ukrainians and contemptuously declares that on their deathbeds, Ukrainians will forsake nineteenth-century Ukrainian national poet Taras Shevchenko in favor of Pushkin.

Brodsky’s poem sheds light on a painful truth that many in the West are still struggling to grasp. While Russian literary figures have traditionally been lionized by Western audiences as symbols of a freer Russia, their readiness to take a stand against the autocracy of the Russian state does not necessarily make them natural allies of the Ukrainian national project. Indeed, Ukrainians have long noted that Russian liberalism ends at the Ukrainian border.

None of this means that the tone–deaf words of Russian writers such as Mikhail Shishkin are tantamount to war crimes committed by the Russian army. However, understanding the nuances of Russian-Ukrainian relations should compel us to reexamine how the public sphere engages the topic of Ukraine. This is especially true in the context of ongoing Russian aggression and against an historic backdrop of Russian imperialism. Ideally, the current war should spark a fundamental shift in international perceptions of Ukraine and expose the folly of attempting to view the country through a Russian prism.

Russian artists, like Ukrainian artists, have been victims of the Russian state in its many ugly forms. Yet political oppression should not be confused with genocide. While Russian authors like Mikhail Shishkin sit in exile and mourn the loss of Pushkin statues in Ukraine, their Ukrainian contemporaries such as Oleh Sentsov, Artem Chapeye, Artem Chekh, Oleksandr Mykhed, Illarion Pavliuk, Stanislav Aseyev, Pavlo Stekh, Yaryna Chornohuz and many more have taken up arms to save their country from destruction. In the final analysis, it is their nation-building experience and not the fate of Pushkin that is the true story of this war. This is a story the world desperately needs to hear. 

Kate Tsurkan is a Ukraine-based American writer and Chief Editor of Apofenie Magazine.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Jun 30, 2022

Goodwill gestures and de-Nazification: Decoding Putin’s Ukraine War lexicon

By Peter Dickinson

From “goodwill gestures” to “de-Nazification” and “reclaiming Russian lands,” the Atlantic Council’s Peter Dickinson decodes some of the key phrases from the lexicon of Putin’s Ukraine War into plain English.

Central Asia Conflict

UkraineAlert Jun 27, 2022

Odesa rejects Russia: Putin’s Ukraine War turns old allies into bitter enemies

By Oleksiy Goncharenko

Putin has long claimed to be the champion of pro-Russian Ukrainians. However, the Ukrainian regions most closely associated with pro-Kremlin sentiment have also been hardest hit by the current invasion.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Jul 28, 2022

Vogue diplomacy: First Lady Olena Zelenska is Ukraine’s secret weapon

By Peter Dickinson

Ukraine’s First Lady Olena Zelenska has recently sparked debate by posing for a Vogue photo shoot with celebrity photographer Annie Leibovitz that some slammed as frivolous but others praised as a soft power masterstroke.

Conflict Disinformation

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

Read more from UkraineAlert

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Putin has forced Ukrainians to view Russian culture as a weapon of war appeared first on Atlantic Council.

This tech sector strength is driving the Ukrainian response to Russia’s imperial aggression. It is enabling the country to defy and in many instances defeat one of the world’s leading military superpowers. A start-up culture that owes much to Ukraine’s vibrant IT industry is providing rapid solutions to frontline challenges in ways that the more traditional top-down Russian military simply cannot match. 

The tech component of Ukraine’s battlefield success is perhaps not as surprising as it might at first appear. According to the 2022 Global Skills Report by Coursera, the country ranks among the global top ten in terms of technological skills.

This high position reflects the impressive progress made in recent years to support the growth of the country’s IT sector and to foster greater digital literacy throughout Ukrainian society. Since 2019, the Ukrainian authorities have prioritized digital skills and have sought to promote learning through the Diia.Digital Education online platform, which serves as an “educational Netflix” featuring courses conducted by experts and celebrities.

This approach appears to be working. The platform currently boasts a completion rate of 80% among those who sign up for courses. Nor has Russia’s invasion prevented Ukrainians from enhancing their IT skills. Around 60,000 Ukrainians have registered for courses since the start of the war, with the most popular topics being training for new tech sector professions, media literacy, and cyber hygiene.

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Ukraine’s emphasis on digital innovation was shaping the country long before Putin launched his full-scale invasion on February 24. In 2021, Ukraine became the first country in the world to give digital passports the same legal status as physical passports for domestic use. Ukraine was the fourth European country to introduce digital driving licenses and also developed the world’s fastest online business registration service. 

Efforts to promote greater digitization continue despite today’s wartime conditions. This is recognized as important for the war effort and is also seen as an essential ingredient for Ukraine’s post-war recovery. I am convinced that tech-focused educational initiatives must remain a strategic priority for the country. By 2025, 85% of all occupations will require digital skills.

The Ukrainian authorities are currently supporting a project to train 5,000 internally displaced women for new careers in the creative and tech industries. There is clearly huge demand for such tech-related retraining opportunities, with the application process for the first phase of this initiative attracting around 36,000 candidates.

A pilot project to reform computer studies within the Ukrainian school system is also proceeding against the backdrop of the ongoing Russian invasion. The first stage will begin in September and will feature 50 secondary schools, before being scaled up to the entire country next year. Thanks to this project, an estimated four million Ukrainian schoolchildren will gain access to a state-of-the-art digital education.

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Ukraine’s broader transformation into a genuinely digital state is continuing despite the disruption of the war. This progress is perhaps most visible in terms of the Diia.City project. Two weeks before the Russian invasion, Ukraine launched this special economic initiative offering some of the most attractive taxation terms in the world for tech companies. Ukrainian and international IT companies have continued to sign up to the Diia.City project since the outbreak of hostilities, with a total of 260 companies now registered. Clearly, they believe in Ukrainian victory and are confident about the country’s future development as a digital powerhouse.

Digital services have been launched to support those in the combat zone, allowing them to apply online for financial assistance. Likewise, the Diia mobile app allows anyone to financially support the Ukrainian military via a few clicks. Ukrainians can use the country’s digital platforms to report news of Russian military deployments in their localities and can submit digital reports detailing property damage.

The team at the Ministry of Digital Transformation is currently working with thousands of volunteers to wage a digital war against Russia on the information and cyber fronts. The ministry has initiated the creation of Ukraine’s very own IT army, which brings together specialists from Ukraine and other countries around the world. Today, this army consists of more than 250,000 IT volunteers participating in what is widely recognized as the world’s first cyber war.

Ukraine’s innovative use of technology is allowing the country to punch above its weight and defend itself against a much larger enemy. This experience will be studied for years to come as an example of how digital literacy and tech excellence can cancel out the traditional advantages of conventional military strength and transform the modern battlefield. The future of the world will be shaped by technology and today’s Ukraine is leading the way. 

Valeriya Ionan is Ukraine’s Deputy Minister for Eurointegration at the Ministry of Digital Transformation

Further reading

UkraineAlert Jun 30, 2022

Goodwill gestures and de-Nazification: Decoding Putin’s Ukraine War lexicon

By Peter Dickinson

From “goodwill gestures” to “de-Nazification” and “reclaiming Russian lands,” the Atlantic Council’s Peter Dickinson decodes some of the key phrases from the lexicon of Putin’s Ukraine War into plain English.

Central Asia Conflict

UkraineAlert Jul 20, 2022

Ukraine can win

By Richard D. Hooker, Jr.

If the West takes active measures to ensure Ukraine can’t defeat Putin’s Russia, it won’t. But if it commits to supplying the range of capabilities required for modern, high intensity warfare, Ukraine can win, and it will win.

Conflict European Union

UkraineAlert Jul 25, 2022

Ukrainian footballers prepare to defy Putin with wartime premier league

By Andrew Todos

The Ukrainian Premier League is preparing to begin the 2022-23 season in August despite Russia’s ongoing invasion of the country as Ukrainians turn to football to demonstrate their determination to defy the Kremlin.

Central Europe Conflict

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Ukraine’s tech excellence is playing a vital role in the war against Russia appeared first on Atlantic Council.

For the past thirty years, Ukraine has experienced a massive brain drain of young, talented and dynamic scientific researchers, students, and innovators to the more attractive and lucrative laboratories and industries of Europe, Asia, and North America. This loss has been severely exacerbated by the current Russian invasion of the country. While there have been large-scale efforts to accommodate Ukrainian refugees in temporary positions abroad, it can be assumed that many will never return to their homeland.

It suffices to look to the wartime role of the Ukrainian IT sector to understand why advanced scientific research, education, and high-tech entrepreneurship are so essential to the country’s military and economic security. Since the outbreak of hostilities just over four months ago, young Ukrainian cyber warriors have stunningly upended expectations that Russian military and criminal hackers (which may be one and the same) would destroy Ukraine through cvber warfare.  

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Ukrainian science goes much deeper than cyber-defense. In materials science, physics, mathematical modeling, engineering and a range of other areas, Ukraine’s advanced scientific research has made a significant impact not only in terms of international scientific publications but also in the world of technology and commerce.

Importantly, the strength of Ukrainian science and technology is not limited to the civilian sphere and has historically been closely tied to defense production. The famed Paton Electric Welding Institute in Kyiv has not only conducted leading-edge research on metallurgy and welding; it was also a primary producer of Soviet tanks as well as special metals for submarines and aircraft. Ukraine must also venture in new directions in the life sciences, in part to research countermeasures to biological warfare as well as to prevent the spread of disease among farm animals.

Major restructuring is necessary in order to get the most out of Ukraine’s tech potential. Much like other countries throughout the former Soviet bloc, Ukraine has inherited Russia’s heavily top-down, bureaucratic and inefficient research system. The concept of the modern research university, combining advanced research and education at all levels and contributing to technological innovation through linkages with industry, is still largely absent in Ukraine. Due to the thirty-year post-Soviet brain drain, a very high priority must now be placed on the education of the next generations of Ukrainian scientists and engineers.

Other post-Soviet countries have realigned their research and higher education systems in diverse ways and to varying degrees. Reforms have gained some traction in Ukraine since the country’s 2014 Revolution of Dignity, but in most areas progress remains painfully slow.

In this light, the radical devastation of war presents both deep challenges and major opportunities. In the words of the seventeenth century English historian Thomas Fuller, as put to music by the Mamas and the Papas, “the darkest hour of the night comes just before the dawn.”

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As of now, the humanitarian and reconstruction assistance agenda of the United States government is silent on directed support for Ukraine’s science and technology sector. There are multiple opportunities for USAID and others to make a difference. There are also multiple opportunities not only to fail through inaction or lack of vision, but also for US assistance to fall behind support from other sources such as the European Union.

It is time for the US government to wake up and realize that for Ukraine to enter the modern world of knowledge economies, action is required now. Even before major physical reconstruction is underway, or simultaneously with it, there is an urgent need to address the immediate financial crisis in Ukrainian science, directing short-term support especially to those young scientists remaining in Ukraine. It is also essential to strengthen and realign the Ukrainian research, higher education, and technological innovation systems to succeed in the world of economic competitiveness and global cooperation.

There is now an ideal opportunity to look at these key issues in a fresh light and take bold steps. Without such thought and planning, throwing money at the problem will not have a lasting impact. As a senior Ukrainian member of the RESET-Ukraine working group informally remarked, “We need to change the system. If you go back to the old system, nothing will change.”

Only willingness to engage in significant system change, the kind that will lift Ukrainian research, education, and innovation to standards and practices resembling those in Europe and elsewhere, will inspire the confidence needed in order for external funders to provide the higher magnitudes of financing necessary in order make a long-term and sustainable difference.

Direct assistance grants, support for Ukrainian STEM programs especially in higher education, and jump-start grants to small high-tech Ukrainian businesses along the lines of the US Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) program can go a long way, dollar for dollar, toward ensuring the long-term economic health and vitality of a sovereign and independent Ukraine. But these efforts must go hand in hand with a blueprint for systemic change, one that works for all Ukrainian stakeholders.

That is why the US National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine have created an informal working group called Rebuilding Engineering, Science, Education, and Technology (RESET-Ukraine) to work together with our Ukrainian colleagues to consider the best practices of other countries in realigning their national research systems for the twenty-first century. Our work is already underway. But such efforts cannot fully reach their potential unaccompanied by a clear commitment, first and foremost, from the United States and other governments to put material assistance in this field high on the agenda.

Gerson S. Sher is a retired civil servant and foundation executive whose forty-year career involved leadership of scientific cooperation with the countries of the former Soviet Union. He is the author of “From Pugwash to Putin: A Critical History of US-Soviet Scientific Cooperation” (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 2019), and is co-chair of the US National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine’s informal working group, RESET-Ukraine.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Jun 30, 2022

Goodwill gestures and de-Nazification: Decoding Putin’s Ukraine War lexicon

By Peter Dickinson

From “goodwill gestures” to “de-Nazification” and “reclaiming Russian lands,” the Atlantic Council’s Peter Dickinson decodes some of the key phrases from the lexicon of Putin’s Ukraine War into plain English.

Central Asia Conflict

UkraineAlert May 24, 2022

Putin’s Mariupol Massacre is one of the 21st century’s worst war crimes

By Paul Niland

The Russian destruction of Mariupol ranks among the gravest crimes against humanity of the twenty-first century and sends a clear message to the international community that can be no compromise peace with Putin.

Conflict Democratic Transitions

UkraineAlert May 27, 2022

South Ukraine holds the key to Putin’s dreams of a new Russian Empire

By Taras Kuzio

The biggest European battles since WWII are currently raging in eastern Ukraine’s Donbas region but the ultimate outcome of the Russo-Ukrainian War is likely to be decided hundreds of miles to the south.

Civil Society Conflict

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

Read more from UkraineAlert

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

Learn more

The post Investing in Ukraine’s brains is vital for the country’s post-war prosperity appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Tens of thousands of Ukrainian women are currently serving in the Ukrainian military, representing a significant portion of the country’s expanded wartime armed forces. Ukraine’s large contingent of female soldiers are highly respected and fully integrated, performing combat duties and serving as commanders.

Millions more Ukrainian women have volunteered to provide support for the army and the civilian population as the country has pulled together in opposition to the Russian invasion. Footage of ladies cooking, sewing and delivering aid to soldiers on the frontlines has become commonplace, while videos have gone viral of individual grannies berating hapless Russian soldiers.

While women remain relatively underrepresented in Ukrainian politics compared to some neighboring European countries, female Ukrainian MPs and government officials have been highly active since the outbreak of hostilities on February 24, travelling to Western capitals and engaging with the international media to put their country’s message across.

With Ukrainian males aged 18 to 60 unable to leave the country due to the introduction of martial law, Ukrainian women have also taken the lead in coordinating aid and support for the massive wave of refugees fleeing the war.

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The prominent role being played by Ukrainian women in the current war effort reflects longstanding traditions of feminism and notions of gender equality that have deep roots in Ukrainian society.

In traditional Ukrainian communities, women often faced restrictions in terms of their right to study, divorce, or protect themselves against domestic violence. However, this began to change in the nineteenth century when the first vestiges of a Ukrainian feminist movement emerged alongside the country’s broader national awakening.

At the time, Ukrainians found themselves living in two foreign empires: the Russian Empire and the Habsburg Empire. For many of the women leading the push for greater social equality, women’s rights were indivisible from national rights. They sought to be free as women and as Ukrainians. 

The early decades of Ukraine’s feminist awakening are difficult to trace due to restrictions imposed by the czarist authorities banning the use of the Ukrainian language in print and prohibiting the staging of plays or lectures in Ukrainian. Indeed, the first comprehensive history of the women’s movement in Ukraine did not appear until 1988 with the publication of Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak’s “Feminists Despite Themselves” in the United States.

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After Vilnius: What’s next on Ukraine’s path to NATO?

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Women’s rights activism in the second half of the nineteenth century often focused on the practical matter of addressing poverty among young Ukrainian women who found themselves either orphans or widows. Schools offering vocational training were established with backing from the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.

Pioneering Ukrainian feminist Natalia Kobrynska was the daughter of a priest from western Ukraine. She was to play a key role in one of the landmark events in the emergence of the women’s rights movement in Ukraine. In 1887, Kobrynska served as co-publisher of “The First Wreath” together with Kyiv writer Olena Pchilka. This women’s almanac brought together a range of articles on feminist issues along with works of literature by prominent female Ukrainian writers such as Lesia Ukrainka.

With an all-female cast of contributors and a pair of female publishers, this was a groundbreaking event not only for Ukraine but for the wider European feminist movement. It was doubly noteworthy as the leading lights behind “The First Wreath” united the two Ukrainian communities living under Habsburg and Czarist rule. This collection of writings remains an important milestone in Ukrainian literature and stands as testament to the progress made by the Ukrainian women’s rights movement during the nineteenth century.

At around the same time as the publication as “The First Wreath,” Ukraine also witnessed the establishment of the country’s first women’s unions. Decades later in 1917, Milena Rudnytska created the Union of Ukrainian Women. Following the collapse of Ukraine’s short-lived statehood bid in 1921, the first ever Ukrainian Women’s Congress took place in Ivano-Frankivsk in 1934, which at the time was part of Poland.

While these organizations were primarily interested in women’s rights, they also played a significant part in the wider struggle for an independent Ukrainian state, helping to preserve traditional Ukrainian culture and language while fighting for equality.

This struggle is perhaps most powerfully depicted in the Oksana Kis book “Survival as Victory: Ukrainian Women in the Gulag” published by the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. This emotionally draining account explores how Ukrainian women supported each other against the horrors of the Soviet camp system and highlights their struggle to defend themselves as women and as Ukrainians.

Today’s generation of Ukrainian women now find themselves confronted with new horrors as Vladimir Putin’s invading military destroys entire towns and cities while committing atrocities against the civilian population. Since the invasion began in February, women have suffered terribly from Russian war crimes including widespread instances of sexual violence. Amid the carnage, the courage and defiance demonstrated by countless Ukrainian women has inspired the world. Their strength is part of a rich feminist tradition that continues to play a vital role in Ukraine’s nation-building journey.

Iryna Slavinska is Executive Producer at Radio Culture.

Further reading

UkraineAlert May 24, 2022

Putin’s Mariupol Massacre is one of the 21st century’s worst war crimes

By Paul Niland

The Russian destruction of Mariupol ranks among the gravest crimes against humanity of the twenty-first century and sends a clear message to the international community that can be no compromise peace with Putin.

Conflict Democratic Transitions

UkraineAlert May 22, 2022

Centuries of Russian oppression have forged Ukraine’s remarkable resilience

By Pete Shmigel

Centuries of traumatic experience with the horrors of Russian imperialism have shaped today’s Ukraine in ways that may actually contribute to Putin’s defeat and help Ukrainians to build a better future for their country.

Civil Society Conflict

UkraineAlert Jun 10, 2022

Putin admits Ukraine invasion is an imperial war to “return” Russian land

By Peter Dickinson

By abandoning all pretense and comparing himself to Peter the Great, Russian dictator Vladimir Putin has confirmed that he is waging an old-fashioned imperial war of conquest with the goal of annexing Ukrainian land.

Conflict Disinformation

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Ukraine’s female soldiers reflect country’s strong feminist tradition appeared first on Atlantic Council.

On June 7, an article co-authored by Mathew Burrows was published by the Wilson Center’s New Security Beat, which discussed the dangers of a growing cohort of youth who feel disillusioned by political failures.

“Failing to examine youth engagement trends may be a serious blind spot— and thus a threat to democracy. It is a question that merits closer examination. When youth disengage, they are often saying they don’t have a high level of confidence or trust in existing economic, political, or social entities,” said Burrows and his co-author, Steven Gale of the US Agency for International Development’s Bureau for Policy, Planning and Learning.

“They may also want to “opt out” because they perceive that their generation is not being heard or treated fairly. Whatever their reasons, youth disengagement will ultimately have negative impacts beyond democratic engagement with potential shockwaves on social stability, the well-being and mental health of individuals (youth and their families), and individual and country-level economic productivity and quality of life.”

The post Burrows in New Security Beat: Youth disillusionment as a danger to democracy appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Some government officials in Kyiv have announced Ukraine’s aspiration to liberate all territories occupied by Russia, including Crimea. The Ukrainian army’s proven ability to defeat Russian forces on the battlefield and the accelerating delivery of heavy weapons from the West make this goal of complete liberation at least theoretically possible.

However, some Western leaders fear the consequences of a comprehensive Ukrainian victory and favor the idea of a compromise peace. Most notably, French President Emmanuel Macron has repeatedly warned against “humiliating” Vladimir Putin. Advocates of appeasement ignore the fact that any settlement which leaves Russia in possession of Ukrainian lands occupied since 2014 would weaken the international security order and effectively reward Russia for aggression, thereby setting the stage for further wars.

Talk of a Ukrainian victory is certainly optimistic but by no means implausible. Moscow has already suffered catastrophic losses during the first 100 days of the war, with British military intelligence in mid-May estimating that Russia had lost around one-third of its invasion force amid “consistently high levels of attrition.”

Ukraine’s battlefield success has so far been achieved largely with outdated Soviet arms and light defensive Western weapons. With more sophisticated heavy weapons now beginning to reach Ukraine in significant quantities, further Ukrainian victories seem possible.

There are a number of good reasons to pursue the complete liberation of Ukraine. On purely humanitarian grounds, the millions of Ukrainians living in occupied areas of the country deserve to be freed from Russian rule. Forcing Russian troops to retreat entirely from Ukraine would also be the best way to prevent another round of aggression in the years ahead.

Crucially, Ukraine’s liberation would be a victory for international law that would mark an end to relative impunity Putin has enjoyed since he first attacked Ukraine in 2014. This last point is fundamental if a lasting peace is to be established. But in order for international law to prevail, Russia must first be cured of its imperialistic instincts.

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Discussion of a post-imperial Russia inevitably brings to mind the European experience with other fallen empires. The broadly accepted lesson of the post-WWI Treaty of Versailles is that a defeated foe should not be humiliated as this will cause revanchism, as occurred with the rise of the Nazis in post-war Germany. This appears to be a strong motivating factor behind President Macron’s calls for a compromise settlement in Ukraine, but such thinking is dangerously misguided.

As not a single Allied shell had fallen on German territory in WWI, this left room for the infamous “stab in the back” theory of a conspiracy behind the German defeat. Accordingly, Adolf Hitler and Joseph Goebbels were able to persuade their public to make a second try and correct an alleged historical injustice by launching another war. 

There are obvious parallels here with the revisionist view regarding the collapse of the USSR. During his two decades in power, Putin has been remarkably successful in rehabilitating the Soviet past while blaming the collapse of the empire on Pentagon intrigue and the cloying egoism of Mikhail Gorbachev. As a result, many Russians are now convinced that the USSR was also a victim of a grave historical injustice and enthusiastically embrace efforts to reclaim territories lost in 1991.

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After Vilnius: What’s next on Ukraine’s path to NATO?

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Post-Soviet Russia never underwent a period of de-imperialization that might have enabled the country to move beyond the imperial mindset that Soviet Russia had itself inherited from the Czarist era.

This contrasts with the post-WWII experience of Germany and Japan. Both countries experienced catastrophic defeat followed by periods of foreign occupation. It was this trauma that caused them to deeply reexamine their cultural values and turn away from centuries of militarism. The occupation powers in both Germany and Japan also oversaw a “re-education” of the two societies. This role as external change agents was necessary because neither society was likely to engage in re-education on their own.

There is no prospect that a Western coalition will occupy today’s Russia, of course. At the same time, a nation accustomed to a long imperial history and soaked in the revisionism of the Putin era is unlikely to find within itself the cultural and intellectual resources to rethink its most cherished national mythologies. It would take something as profoundly shocking as defeat in Ukraine to force Russians into a national reckoning on such a scale.

The collapse of the Soviet Union was a deeply traumatic event for all Russians, but it is now apparent that this trauma was not sufficient to cause a rejection of Russia’s imperial identity. Instead, Putin has skillfully revived imperial sentiments to generate popular support for his expansionist foreign policy.

The West has also played a significant role in this process, with Western leaders and commentators all-too-often embracing Russia’s post-Soviet victimization narrative while disregarding or downplaying the victimization of Russia’s neighbors. This has helped contribute to the mood of unrepentant imperialism in modern Russia that set the stage for the invasion of Ukraine.

In order to bring the prevailing cycle of Russian imperial aggression to an end, Putin’s invasion of Ukraine must result in unambiguous defeat. A Ukrainian victory would send shock waves through Russian society and force Russians to engage in a long overdue exploration of the country’s imperial identity. If defeat is painful enough, it could spark fundamental changes within Russia and lead to the kind of breakthrough that the false dawn of 1991 failed to achieve. Anything less will merely serve as a temporary pause before the next Russian invasion.  

Dennis Soltys is a retired Canadian professor currently living in Kazakhstan.

Further reading

UkraineAlert May 24, 2022

Putin’s Mariupol Massacre is one of the 21st century’s worst war crimes

By Paul Niland

The Russian destruction of Mariupol ranks among the gravest crimes against humanity of the twenty-first century and sends a clear message to the international community that can be no compromise peace with Putin.

Conflict Democratic Transitions

UkraineAlert May 27, 2022

South Ukraine holds the key to Putin’s dreams of a new Russian Empire

By Taras Kuzio

The biggest European battles since WWII are currently raging in eastern Ukraine’s Donbas region but the ultimate outcome of the Russo-Ukrainian War is likely to be decided hundreds of miles to the south.

Civil Society Conflict

UkraineAlert Apr 27, 2022

Beyond Putin: Russian imperialism is the No. 1 threat to global security

By Volodymyr Vakhitov, Natalia Zaika

Many Western leaders accuse Vladimir Putin of single-handedly sparking the current war in Ukraine but in reality the roots of the conflict are far deeper and reflect longstanding Russian imperial attitudes toward Ukraine.

Conflict Disinformation

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

Read more from UkraineAlert

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

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The post Only total defeat in Ukraine can cure Russia of its imperialism appeared first on Atlantic Council.

WHEN I WAS GROWING UP IN THE PRE-INTERNET 1980s in Cali, Colombia, my father subscribed to Time magazine, and every week, the shiny, ostensible purveyor of everything that was of import in the world arrived in the mail.

I’d scour Time in search of any news—good, bad, whatever—about Colombia. Save for an occasional natural disaster reviewed in a paragraph or two, there never was any. Until Pablo Escobar became the world’s anti- hero in the late 1980s, and except for Gabriel García Márquez’s Nobel prize for literature in 1982, Colombia was mostly absent from global and certainly from US consciousness. I read the dry entry on Colombia in Collier’s Encyclopedia and attempted to make sense of its insufficient information. Was this how people in other parts of the world viewed us? A far-away, underdeveloped tropical nation whose primary assets were a plethora of birds (thank God for that “Colombia is the country with the most variety of birds” stat) and coffee?

When I auditioned for the Manhattan School of Music, a female profes- sor, considered one of the leading pianists of her generation, said: “You’re from Colombia? I have a good friend from Argentina. Perhaps you know her?”

Alas, I did not. But I understood then that even though the distance from Miami to Cartagena is a mere 1,100 miles—while Buenos Aires is 4,410 miles—for many in the Northern Hemisphere, anything South of Mexico was one big blob of sameness—unremarkable save for the extremes of tragedy and crime.

Colombia-and Colombians-were largely invisible

It wasn’t that we had nothing to offer. Colombia had a decent soccer team, even if it never seemed to get past the first rounds of the World Cup. It had Juan Valdés and Gabriel García Márquez. And, to our eternal consternation, in the mid-1980s, it had Pablo Escobar, whose infamy eclipsed all those other blips of achievement.

But, of course, there is a world of difference between notoriety and respect, recognition and scorn.

And then, the music came.

It started almost surreptitiously with Carlos Vives and his new take on vallenato, an almost subversive artistic creation at home (after all, wasn’t vallenato the music of the proletarian masses?) that suddenly found exotic acceptance in the United States.

Then came Shakira with her crossover aspirations, her bilingual hits—a first-ever for a Colombian artist—and her use of Colombian rhythms and patriotic expression. When Shakira sang “En Barranquilla se baila así” in 2005 as she shimmied to the beat of “Hips Don’t Lie,” millions of people, for the first time, looked up her native city on a map.

It took roughly a decade, but now, two generations of musical artists have followed in Shakira’s steps and, almost impossibly, stepped into an international spotlight that was unimaginable in my teen years.

Music has long been the great equalizer. Historically, it has crossed barriers of race, class, politics, nationality, and language, with music in English— the world’s vast lingua franca—consumed by people from around the world. Thanks in no small measure to a growing contingent of Colombian super- stars that includes Shakira, Juanes, Maluma, Camilo, and J Balvin, music in Spanish has also sliced the language barrier and is listened to broadly by non-Spanish speakers worldwide.

How did this happen? Our circumstance as a country in near-perpetual conflict favored the development of music as an alternative, outlet, and solution. Yet, music was long insular in Colombia. We listened to local acts and imports from the United States, Spain, Argentina, and Mexico, as did most Latin Americans. Colombia was a depository of music from other places, but our own rhythms and beats were regarded as too, well, Colombian ever to be appreciated outside the confines of our borders.

Seen dispassionately, the evolution of Shakira is almost miraculous. As a young girl growing up in Colombia in the 1980s and 1990s, there was no one she could artistically emulate or aspire to and no industry to viably sup- port her brand of youth-oriented, slightly rebellious rock. Shakira not only managed to set foot outside Colombia into other Spanish-language countries but improbably pierced the veil of mainstream acceptance, becoming a global superstar who sang in English, recognized on equal footing with artists like Madonna and Ricky Martin in their heyday. It had never happened before to one of us. Once Shakira was able to break that barrier, possibilities unfolded for new generations.

After all, the musical movement borne out of Medellín is a post-narco phenomenon, fueled by young artists who sought to depict their social malaise through music and strove to get ahead through musical art that came from their very own streets and culture, rather than through violence or conformism.

When J Balvin showed “molas,”¹ “palenqueras,”² and “chivas”³ in his video of “Mi Gente” (my people), he served as a de facto ambassador for Colombian culture and folklore, placing it on a platform that allowed for its mass consumption. When Maluma tattooed the word Medellín on his famous chest and sang using the colloquial language of his city’s streets, he turned preconceived notions of Latin crooners on their heads, offering the image of the singer as a patriotic symbol instead. When Camilo sings “No es vida de rico, pero se pasa bien rico,” (“It’s not a rich man’s life, but we have a great time”) he speaks not just for millions of young Colombians, but for the millions of young Spanish speakers who tackle their struggles with humor.

Yet, until just a few years ago, the fact that musicians were leading the fray in terms of raising Colombia’s visibility abroad was widely discounted. Until relatively recently, music was seen as mostly a trivial pursuit, certainly not a “real” career, and unworthy of serious consideration by influential decision makers and politicians.

Except, musicians overall have become the decision makers, and Colombian musicians, in particular, have become global leaders. This is obvious, not just in terms of fame—easily measurable nowadays by the number of social media followers and music streams and downloads, but also in terms of tangible social and economic impact and influence. Colombian musicians today are the single most recognized ambassadors of the country’s culture, folklore, and traditions and are also vocal agents of change. Witness Shakira’s Fundación Pies Descalzos (Barefeet), Juanes’s Fundación Mi Sangre (My Blood), and Maluma’s ElArtedeLosSueños(the Art of Dreams) foundation. Not only do they transform lives inside Colombia, but they raise the country’s equity everywhere.

And now we have Encanto, an animated Disney film remarkable for its sheer visual beauty (which reflects the beauty of the Colombian countryside near the coffee-growing region where the mythical casita stands), uplifting family themes, and joyful music, much of it performed by—Oh My Good- ness—actual Colombians! At the time of this writing in March 2022, the film’s soundtrack had spent eight non-consecutive weeks at No. 1 on the fabled Billboard 200 chart, which measures consumption of all albums in every genre. No soundtrack has ever done that in the chart’s history.

That’s not the only record it’s set. Encantois the first soundtrack to go to No. 1 since 2019 and the sixth animated soundtrack to ever top the chart. 

Beyond that, Encanto is a film set in Colombia, with a predominantly Colombian cast that sings and speaks in Spanish and English. Animated or not, this degree of exposure and success for our country is unprecedented on the screen.

As Colombian actor John Leguizamo, who voices Bruno in Encanto, once told me: “It’s more common to see aliens than Latinos on mainstream film and television.” And Colombians? Aside from Leguizamo and Sofía Vergara, there are no other actors you can name off the top of your head.

For years, movies about Colombia were filmed elsewhere. Such block- busters as Collateral Damage and Clear and Present Danger, for example, were both shot in Mexico because Colombia was deemed too dangerous, and Colombian characters were played by Mexicans or Spaniards speaking with the wrong accent.

Encanto, on the other hand, really minded its Ps and Qs, from accents to outfits to minute details like the hand-painted tableware, the embroidered dresses, the food, the various colors of our skin, and the animals— from the ubiquitous toucan to the yellow butterflies that are synonymous with García Márquez.

Many years ago, I asked Carlos Vives–who performs two songs in the soundtrack—if he thought his music was too regional and Colombian root- based to attain international success.

“Being local is what allows me to be international,” he replied, way ahead of his time. It’s not surprising, with this mentality, that Maluma and Sebas tian Yatra, another new-generation Colombian singer, are also featured in Encanto.

The year 2021 was a watershed year for Latinos in film, with In the Heights, West Side Story,and Encanto featuring Latin lead actors, none of them hugely famous. After all, it’s been a year of breaking parameters, zeroing in on inclusivity and diversity, and looking beyond the well-mined bubbles. But in film, the only major success thus far has been Encanto, a musical and arguably the narrowest in scope. What made it work?

I want to think Colombia and its music made it work. Yes, the country is indeed that dangerous, with thousands displaced from their homes every year because of violence, as the film superficially shows. But it’s also that beautiful, that exuberant, that passionate, that family-oriented, that hospitable, that delicious, that musical, and yes, that magical.

Now, that musicality is systematically finding its way to the rest of the world. Music isn’t something you can taste or smell, like our coffee, or see and touch, like our birds. But thanks to an ever-growing number of artistic collaborations and an increasingly solid business infrastructure, it’s become perhaps the most effective and widely-lauded vehicle to transmit eminently Colombian emotions to the world, without constraints of borders or language.

At the 2022 Academy Awards, Encanto, an animated musical based in Colombia and proudly featuring Colombian voices and sounds, won Best Animated Feature. At the 2022 Grammy Awards, there were eight nominees from Colombia in the four Latin categories, more than any other country.

It’s not just about what happens with our music on an international stage. Inside our borders, for perhaps the first time ever, there’s a multi-tiered, highly-profitable music industry that allows inspiration to have a ripple effect that reverberates throughout the local economy: from the recording studio to the 50,000 tickets Karol G sold to her show at Estadio Atanasio Girardot in Medellín.

At a recent international award show, Maluma performed with four fellow artists from Medellín, all wearing t-shirts that said: “Medallo en el Mapa,+ Música–  Violencia,” (Medallo⁴ in the Map + Music – violence).

The message was proud, but also defiant.

Thanks to music, we are finally being seen and heard. And we are making change happen.

Portions of this essay originally appeared in the article by Leila Cobo published by Billboard on January, 2022 “With ‘Encanto,’ Colombia Is Finally Seen and Not Just Heard,” accessible here: https://www.billboard.com/music/latin/encanto-colombia-positive-image-1235017931/

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The post Recognize the power of music appeared first on Atlantic Council.

GROWING UP IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD of Jackson Heights, Queens, in New York City taught me an early lesson on being myself. From a tender age, I felt the pressure of “being different,” and experiencing the world through an unusual lens as I witnessed my mother work several exhausting jobs to keep our family afloat in a country that was foreign to us. Soon, I realized that “being different” made me a target to those who did not sympathize with the way I looked or how I spoke. Living in a predominantly Caucasian neighborhood forced me to learn about survival, who I was, and, ultimately, who I was meant to become.

I was born in Bogotá, Colombia, and although I moved to the United States at a young age, I never ceased exalting my identity as a Colombian and a Latino. I don the badge and the title of being an immigrant to the United States with the utmost honor and respect. Throughout my career in the arts––from performing in local New York City venues to opening a show on Broadway and eventually breaking glass ceilings in Hollywood––I have accomplished what might have seemed unimaginable through unspeakable hours of hard work and tribulation, a marvelous quality that all Latino immigrants share.

Making a decent living in the United States as a minority is no simple feat, yet there is no one better than an immigrant with a dream and a purpose to upend that expectation. As a young boy running around the streets of New York, using my humor as a means to stay safe in the urban jungle, I learned to channel the gargantuan resilience of a Colombian American, repurposing life’s difficulties into fuel to keep my dream alive.

Most of the people who once bullied me quickly found me hilarious–– or perhaps I worked at crafting that comedic image better than I could have imagined, and it was precisely that comedy that took me down trails not blazed before. I was aware of being a skimpy little brown kid with a funny speech pattern who could imitate every accent imaginable.

I was a nerd in love with the arts, reading, comic books, plays, movies, and great performers; I used this adoration to empower myself in a place that was not seeing me or my potential. I refer to this source of motivation as “Ghetto Nerd Power.”

It was by the library’s bookshelves and, later, inside the theater where I met my true self and decided to step into my future, no matter the hardships, setbacks, or prejudice. I was ready to do it all: study drama, learn diverse acting techniques, practice tongue twisters, follow elocution lessons, and audition for every single role possible. It was never easy, and sometimes it still feels that way, but failure was and is never an option. I stand by the statement “Latinos must do twice the work to get half the opportunities,” because I have experienced this scenario on several occasions. Nevertheless, Latino tenacity, spiritual fiber, and passion from my Colombian DNA propelled me to search within myself and forge my destiny.

I first won over audiences in 1991 as the star and writer of MamboMouth. I have portrayed seven different Latino characters in sold-out theaters off-Broadway. I have played various characters from different backgrounds, including a lowlife criminal in Carlito’sWay(1993), Luigi in SuperMarioBros(1993), and nineteenth-century French artist Toulouse-Lautrec in Moulin Rouge (2001). And even though I have been blessed with international success, I still source much of my material from my unlikely path to stardom–– from a working-class family in Queens to a renowned artist in theatre, film, and television.

This beautiful nation has offered me life-changing possibilities. I am humbled by the astonishing achievements I have amassed in the United States. My indigenous Chibcha,Muisca(TheMuisca[alsocalledChibcha]are an indigenous people and culture of the Altiplano Cundiboyacense, Colombia), and Afro-Latino identity is deeply-rooted and informs who I am as an artist and human being. I cherish the best of what these identities have granted me––from bilingualism to delicious food to incomparable music to amazing people. I never tire of representing Colombia in this country and in front of the world.

As a Colombian American, I am continuously astounded by the immense talent that treks from Colombia into the United States. I cherish it, and it overwhelms me with unwavering pride. This is why continuous US-Colombia relations signify a beacon of hope, especially when I consider the bond between two nations fighting for the betterment of their people. At the same time, that story and fight do not end here. I may very well be an example to millions of Latino immigrants who are still unsure whether to follow their dream or walk away from it because they have no other choice.

I want to be more than an example. After decades of working in the entertainment industry and sharpening my artistry, I ache to be more than just an image for people to look up to.

Multiplying a Colombian American dream

My experience in this country as a thriving creative and spokesman for positive societal change means that other Colombian Americans can also create a prosperous future where they can empower their careers, livelihoods, and families. This speaks to the need for more programs that foster and enrich the potential of young, brilliant minds who may not have the means to attend top-tier universities or institutions. Pro- grams through which children and young adults can approach educators, resources, and funding are catalysts to spur equity among our youth.

The arts are the most competitive field in the marketplace. Our young Colombian minds should be able to tap into their fullest potential within Colombia and abroad in the United States by participating in cultural and educational residencies to learn how to be great storytellers and collaborators and, ultimately, create their own work with the potential to be seen and commissioned.

Oftentimes, potential is squandered before it can blossom due to a lack of access to opportunities; this is the gap that cultural programs should close. The demand for foundations and artists’ funds at the local level is rising. It is up to established creatives and their teams to champion more tangible opportunities aimed at those who aspire to grow within a career in the arts. Ultimately, it is our responsibility to leverage programs and mentorship.

I wish to gift my message and life experiences to future generations of Colombian Americans, and Latin immigrants everywhere, as a means to inspire. I want to show them that what I have done is not only possible but also attainable; no matter the language they speak, the accent they have, or the color of their skin, they can conceive a beautiful future where they can be seen and celebrated.

This, right here, is what I consider the American dream. And it is now time for it to become a reality for any of mis paisanos (my fellow Colombians) who one day dare decide to claim the extraordinary life for which they have never stopped struggling. I wish for them to open their arms, beam their gorgeous brown smile, and embrace their own Colombian American dream.

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The post Share the Colombian American dream appeared first on Atlantic Council.

The war unleashed by Vladimir Putin on February 24 is widely acknowledged as the largest and most destructive European conflict since WWII. Tens of thousands of Ukrainians have been killed during the first three months of the invasion, while the damage done by Putin’s forces has been estimated at hundreds of billions of dollars. Whole cities have already been destroyed, while Russia’s heavy reliance on airstrikes and artillery bombardments means the tragic toll will continue to rise.  

Clearly, rebuilding Ukraine will be a Herculean task requiring unprecedented financing and the full participation of the international community. It is also vital that plans for the new Ukraine should reflect the country’s immediate needs and competitive advantages. This is why it makes sense to begin work without delay on a Digital Marshall Plan that will harness Ukraine’s tech excellence and enable Ukrainians to continue the important progress made in recent years.

The war is being prosecuted across multiple strata, including the informational and digital spaces. While soldiers defend Ukraine on the battlefield, the country’s Ministry of Digital Transformation and the Ukrainian IT community are developing a sustainable digital rear. 

From the first days of the war, the Ministry has been working with other state bodies to actively increase Ukraine’s digital resilience. These efforts have included creating a layered system of cyber defense for state IT infrastructure and adapting public e-services.

Digital diplomacy has become a critically important field of activity for the Ministry. Minister of Digital Transformation Mykhailo Fedorov has appealed to hundreds of technology companies asking them to join the technological blockade of Russia while calling on them to stop paying taxes to the Russian budget and develop a presence in Ukraine.

An enormous amount of work has also been done to improve the digital defense capability of the Ukrainian state. In cooperation with the Ukrainian blockchain community, the Ministry of Digital Transformation launched a large-scale fundraising campaign gathering crypto donations for ammunition purchases. The Ministry of Digital Transformation and Ukrainian IT companies have launched a number of specific projects to protect civilians such as the Air Alarm App, while also supporting refugees and those living in Russian-occupied regions of the country.

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Anyone familiar with the pre-war structure of the Ukrainian economy will not be surprised by the prominent role of the Ministry of Digital Transformation and the country’s IT industry as a whole in the current conflict. President Zelenskyy came to power in spring 2019 promising a digital transformation. As soon as he took office, he began implementing the “Country in a Smartphone” program.

During the pre-war years of Zelenskyy’s presidency, hundreds of public services were digitalized. The Diya smartphone application was central to these efforts and became the main personal ID for millions of Ukrainians. By digitizing government services, the authorities were able to simplify bureaucratic processes and dramatically reduce the scope for corruption within state agencies.

It is important to note that the digital transformation of Ukraine has never relied on the purchase of imported solutions. Instead, it has been based almost exclusively on the tailored work of Ukrainian IT engineers. This is only natural given the remarkable rise of the Ukrainian IT sector over the past few decades.  

The Ukrainian IT industry has been the main driver of rising export revenues for a number of years. In 2021, Ukrainian IT exports grew 36% year-on-year to total USD 6.8 billion, representing 10% of the country’s total exports. Meanwhile, the number of Ukrainians employed in the IT industry increased from 200,000 to 250,000. This growth was set to accelerate further in 2022 until the war intervened.

According to current World Bank forecasts, Ukraine’s GDP in 2022 will fall by more than 45%. Depending on the course of the war, this figure could rise significantly. Ukraine’s Western partners are well aware of the need to keep the Ukrainian economy afloat while also preparing for the massive rebuilding project that will eventually follow. British Prime Minister Boris Johnson has publicly backed a new Marshall Plan for Ukraine. Other world leaders have also voiced their support for this initiative.

The immediate priority will be to repair the catastrophic damage done to Ukrainian homes, hospitals, schools, roads, bridges, airports, industries, and other vital elements of national infrastructure. At the same time, the most effective long-term use of resources may be to focus on strengthening Ukraine’s digital economy and the country’s IT industry. Investing in this sector will have an immediate economic impact and will create the largest number of jobs. After all, global studies consistently indicate that every new work place in the IT industry creates five more jobs in non-related service industries.

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What should a Digital Marshall Plan for Ukraine look like? First of all, it should feature large-scale strategic investment in the digital transformation of Ukraine including all public services, healthcare, and education. This will lead to the radical modernization of the Ukrainian public sector while creating huge demand for the services of Ukrainian IT companies, many of which have lost their Western customer bases due to the war.

Meanwhile, investment into the rapid retraining of Ukrainians from other professional backgrounds will help to drastically reduce unemployment. Even before the war, the Ukrainian IT industry consistently suffered from a shortage of personnel. With industrial facilities across the country destroyed and whole sectors of the economy on pause as a result of the Russian invasion, unemployment is a major issue in today’s Ukraine. Comprehensive training programs can enable tens of thousands of Ukrainians to become qualified IT specialists and find new work during the initial post-war period or possibly even sooner. 

The Ukrainian IT industry must not only be preserved but also brought to the next level. To make this happen, Ukraine and the country’s partners should work together to create attractive financial conditions that will encourage more of the world’s leading tech companies to open Ukrainian hubs and R&D centers.

It is also necessary to establish a large-scale “fund of funds” for IT entrepreneurs that will invest in venture funds operating in Ukraine. Startups were fast becoming the most important growth point of the Ukrainian tech sector before the war and have huge potential for the future. Once the conflict is over, Ukrainian innovators will bring the many tech solutions created during the war to global markets. International interest is likely to be intense.

Work on a Digital Marshall Plan needs to begin now. The rebuilding of Ukraine will necessarily take many years and looks set to be one of the most challenging international undertakings of the twenty-first century. Investing in the Ukrainian IT industry now will provide an immediate and significant economic boost. It will also enable the country to develop an optimized digital infrastructure that will lay the foundations for future prosperity and help secure Ukraine’s place among the community of European democracies.

Anatoly Motkin is president of the StrategEast Center for a New Economy, a non-profit organization with offices in the United States, Ukraine, Georgia, and Kyrgyzstan.

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The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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The post Now is the right time to launch a Digital Marshall Plan for Ukraine  appeared first on Atlantic Council.

When the war first began on February 24, few envisioned such a long or large-scale campaign. On the contrary, the Kremlin anticipated a rapid and comprehensive victory that would bring Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration to a shuddering halt and drag the country back into Russia’s orbit.

Instead, Russia decisively lost the Battle for Kyiv and was forced to retreat entirely from northern Ukraine. Putin responded to defeat in the north by regrouping and concentrating his forces in eastern Ukraine, where Russia continues to advance slowly but steadily while paying a high price in both casualties and military equipment.

Beaten in the north and struggling in the east, Russia’s most significant progress of the campaign so far has come in the south. Large swathes of southern Ukraine were captured during the first days of the invasion and remain in Russian hands. This has enabled Moscow to establish a land bridge connecting the occupied Crimean peninsula with the Russian proxy entities created by the Kremlin in eastern Ukraine eight years ago. Ukrainian troops have succeeded in preventing further Russian offensives towards the key southern port city of Odesa, but Kyiv currently lacks the military forces and heavy military equipment to liberate the regions that have fallen under Russian control.

With Russia seeking to consolidate its hold over occupied areas and Ukrainian forces preparing for a coming counter-offensive, the struggle for southern Ukraine is far from over. The outcome of this confrontation will likely determine whether Vladimir Putin is able to achieve his goal of extinguishing Ukrainian statehood and incorporating large parts of the country into a new Russian Empire.  

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It is vital for Ukraine’s international partners to appreciate that the de-occupation of Ukraine’s southern seaboard is a race against time, with the Kremlin currently taking active steps to incorporate these territories into the Russian Federation. Ukrainian state symbols are being removed from public spaces, the Russian curriculum is being introduced in local schools, and the Ukrainian hryvnia currency is being replaced by the Russian rouble. Ukrainian media, internet services and mobile phone operators have been cut off.

The few local collaborators that have been found are being installed as Russian puppets. Meanwhile, local elected officials, journalists, community leaders and military veterans are being targeted in round-ups and abducted amid growing reports of torture and executions. Tens of thousands from the civilian population have been subjected to forced deportation. In recent days, Putin has unveiled plans to offer Russian passports to residents of southern Ukraine’s Kherson and Zaporizhzhya regions. Meanwhile, senior Kremlin officials have declared that Russia has come “forever.”

The Battle for Southern Ukraine will likely hinge on control of Kherson region, which lies directly north of Crimea. It is no exaggeration to state that Ukraine’s future as a viable independent state may depend on regaining control over this region. For Moscow, the stakes are similarly high. The occupation of Kherson allows Russia to supply fresh water to occupied Crimea and is essential for Putin’s land bridge connecting the peninsula to the Russian border through Berdyansk and Mariupol in south eastern Ukraine.

Kherson region is also a springboard for further anticipated Russian advances along the Black Sea coast toward Odesa. This would enable the Kremlin to cut Ukraine off from the sea and thwart plans to break the current Russian naval blockade of Ukraine’s Black Sea ports. Russian dominance over Ukraine’s south eastern coastline stretching from Crimea to the Russian border has already allowed Moscow to transform the Azov Sea into a Russian lake. Blocking Ukraine’s access to the Black Sea entirely would deal a lethal blow to the export-heavy Ukrainian economy and leave the country with little choice but to accept peace on Moscow’s terms.   

In addition to its strategic importance, southern Ukraine also has great symbolic value for Russia. Since the seizure of Crimea and the outbreak of hostilities with Ukraine in spring 2014, Kremlin officials and Russian nationalists have resurrected the half-forgotten Tsarist term “Novorossiya” (“New Russia”) to describe the regions of eastern and southern Ukraine which they seek to annex. Putin has repeatedly accused the early Bolshevik leaders of erroneously granting Soviet Ukraine these southern regions while claiming that the entire area is in fact “ancient Russian land.”

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The upcoming battles in southern Ukraine are likely to be the biggest and bloodiest of the war. Ukraine will face Russian troops occupying well-prepared defensive positions who also benefit from the logistical advantages of air support and resupply from nearby Russian-occupied Crimea.

In order to succeed, the Ukrainian military will need to achieve some kind of breathing space in eastern Ukraine that will allow it to concentrate in the south. Another crucial factor will be the timely delivery of heavy weapons from Ukraine’s international partners including long range artillery, attack drones and multiple launch rocket systems (MLRS). Western intelligence will also be vital as Ukraine seeks to repeat the successes it achieved during the first month of the war. Behind the front lines, Ukrainian partisans and Special Forces units will have a significant role to play disrupting Russia’s military movements, destroying vital infrastructure and removing collaborators.

Time is of the essence. While it would be foolish to rush into an offensive as critical to the wider war effort as the liberation of southern Ukraine, it would also be dangerous to wait too long. Russia is clearly in a hurry to annex the region. Many observers expect Moscow to push for annexation in the coming months, possible together with parallel efforts in eastern Ukraine’s Donbas region. This will likely be accompanied by further human rights abuses as the Kremlin looks to secure its position and silence any local opposition.

Unless Russia is forced to retreat from southern Ukraine, all efforts to broker a negotiated peace will prove futile and merely lead to a pause before the next round of hostilities. The region is simply too important and cannot be left under Kremlin control. It holds the key to Putin’s dreams of a new Russian Empire and is at the same time essential for Ukraine’s continued existence as an independent state.

If Ukrainian forces succeed in ending the Russian occupation of the south, they will save their own country while dealing a potentially fatal blow to Moscow’s expansionist agenda. This would be long overdue. More than three decades after the collapse of the USSR, Putin’s Russia remains an unapologetically imperialistic power. The time has come to cast these imperial ambitions on the ash heap of history.  

Taras Kuzio is a research fellow at the Henry Jackson Society and Professor of Political Science at the National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy. He is the author of the recently published book “Russian Nationalism and the Russian-Ukrainian War.”

Further reading

UkraineAlert May 24, 2022

Putin’s Mariupol Massacre is one of the 21st century’s worst war crimes

By Paul Niland

The Russian destruction of Mariupol ranks among the gravest crimes against humanity of the twenty-first century and sends a clear message to the international community that can be no compromise peace with Putin.

Conflict Democratic Transitions

UkraineAlert May 22, 2022

Centuries of Russian oppression have forged Ukraine’s remarkable resilience

By Pete Shmigel

Centuries of traumatic experience with the horrors of Russian imperialism have shaped today’s Ukraine in ways that may actually contribute to Putin’s defeat and help Ukrainians to build a better future for their country.

Civil Society Conflict

UkraineAlert May 17, 2022

Vladimir Putin is running out of options to avoid defeat in Ukraine

By Taras Kuzio

Vladimir Putin expected a quick victory in Ukraine but now finds himself facing a catastrophic defeat that will shatter Russia’s pretensions to military superpower status while threatening Putin’s own authoritarian regime.

Conflict Crisis Management

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

Read more from UkraineAlert

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post South Ukraine holds the key to Putin’s dreams of a new Russian Empire appeared first on Atlantic Council.

SDG 5, which is to “achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls,” includes several targets that aim to eliminate discrimination in the workplace, recognize unpaid female labor, and give women equal rights to economic resources. Today, the Gulf continues to lag behind its counterparts in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in regard to progress on SDG 5. Gender equality in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries continues to face a slow growth pattern despite making commendable progress in the arenas of industry (SDG 9), sustainability (SDG 11), energy (SDG 7), and economic growth (SDG 8). 

The Gulf is home to the wealthiest economies in the region, with a moderate growth rate that remained stable even during the pandemic. GCC cities like Riyadh, Doha, Muscat, Dubai, and others have been commended for their rapid economic growth and their ability to push sustainability and innovation forward, hitting all the targets of other SDGs while evading SDG 5—gender equality. With Gulf economies seeking to diversify and prepare for a post-oil future, closing gender gaps in the labor force and ensuring economic rights for women is imperative.  

Current situation 

While more women are entering the workforce, disparities remain. According to the World Economic Forum’s 2021 Global Gender Gap index, out of the 156 countries measured, Saudi Arabia was ranked at 147, Oman at 145, Kuwait at 143, Qatar at 142, Bahrain at 137, and the UAE at seventy-two. Gulf nations have also scored low in the 2021 Economic Participation and Opportunity index, with Bahrain scoring at 134, Qatar at 136, Kuwait at 137, Oman at 143, and, despite reforms toward gender parity made by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in 2016, Saudi Arabia sits at 149—only seven points removed from the last-ranked country: Afghanistan. The GCC’s low gender equality rates have had implications on regional achievement rates, with the MENA region accumulating the largest gender gap globally (60.9 percent).   

At the current pace of gender gap closure in the region, experts predict that it would take MENA 142.2 years to close the gender gap. The lack of female participation in the labor force and their staggering lack of economic participation in the Gulf aren’t reflective of other gender equality indicators like access to education, where GCC governments succeed. Women in the Gulf are one of the most highly educated demographics in the Arab world, mainly due to increased access to education, which was prompted by oil discovery and rapid development in the GCC. Education attainment rates in the GCC have made it evident that unfettered access to education doesn’t ensure similar results in workforce participation for women. 

Women attend and graduate universities at higher rates in the Gulf yet still face disproportional unemployment. In Saudi Arabia, women constitute 51.8 percent of university students. However, Saudi women only comprise 33 percent of the labor force. Although this number is double what it was prior to the ratification of the UN SDGs in 2016, social attitudes towards working women still present obstacles to women’s participation in the labor force.  

Qatar faces a similar trajectory, with 54 percent of its university-age women being enrolled in higher education compared to 28 percent of its men. Additionally, Qatari women hold some of the highest literacy rates in the region, standing at 98.3 percent. Nevertheless, they have the lowest rates of private sector workforce participation. Similarly, in the UAE, 41 percent of university-age women are enrolled in higher education in contrast to 22 percent of men—though only 42 percent of women are employed or actively seeking work compared to 92 percent of men who are employed or actively seeking work. 

Notably, the sectors with the largest gender gaps in the GCC are the STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields. Women’s employment opportunities in the Gulf are incredibly gendered and they are more likely to work in public sector jobs, as they are considered to be socially-respectable work environments for women. By 2030, there will be tremendous potential for technological skills across the global economy, resulting in a significant increase in GDP if women pursue these jobs. 

The Gulf’s highly gendered employment patterns and inequities between women and men in STEM will leave women behind and, as a result, the Gulf will fall behind. As digitalization becomes more pervasive across all sectors, economies in the Gulf require more women in the labor force to catch up to global trends. In Saudi Arabia, labor laws specify that women are prohibited from working in dangerous industries, which, in practice, means that they are turned away from more physically demanding jobs. Qatar and Bahrain share these labor laws, prohibiting women from working in hazardous environments, as well as working past a certain time.  
 

Automation and digitalization have already begun to decrease the number of jobs that require physical labor and provide an opportunity for Gulf countries to leverage female employment to compete on a global scale. Oil revenues still contribute a sizable portion of GDP in the Gulf and, as the world begins to slowly shift away from reliance on hydrocarbon resources, economic diversification gives the Gulf a window to benefit from expanding female employment across all sectors. Gulf states will surely incur the costs if they fail to seize this opportunity. 

Despite symbolic reforms by Gulf governments, many GCC countries have remained at the bottom of the Global Gender Gap Index for years and are projected to continue doing so. Though Saudi Arabia and the UAE are leading the region in historic changes, emphasizing substantive changes to minimize gender inequities and increase women’s economic possibilities are important. 

Moving Forward 

It is evident that the current progression of GCC states in advancing gender equality in economic participation and the labor force is insufficient and that the current pace of action may not achieve UN SDG 5 by 2030—though all hope isn’t lost. Many Gulf nations have already instituted several socioeconomic blueprints with deadlines that coincide with the 2030 UN SDGs, such as Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, Bahrain’s Economic Vision 2030, and Qatar’s National Vision 2030. 

These national agendas have all included clauses that cover objectives to achieve gender equality and improve the conditions of women across the labor sector. Still, Gulf nations can do more by enacting several policies to reverse previous impediments and ensure the region is on track for the 2030 deadline. The following policies can help the GCC fulfill SDG 5 by 2030 and thereby enhance regional economies by increasing female labor force participation:  

• GCC governments should lift obstacles in the workforce for women by addressing gendered discrimination in the workplace, occupational and sectoral segregation, amplifying women’s value in the labor market, and supporting women to maintain and advance their careers within non-traditional sectors like STEM and growing innovation spaces, such as digitalization and the clean energy industry.  
• Female entrepreneurship has the potential to boost household earnings and national economies. GCC countries must enhance entrepreneurship development opportunities for women through increased financing, training opportunities, and gender-smart procurement. Gulf governments should also implement tax reductions, facilitate loans, bank guarantees, micro-credit systems, award grant practices, and equitable registration procedures to enhance female-run enterprises across the region.   
• Gulf states should implement care policies and provisions that promote a sustainable work-life balance for women in the labor force. GCC policymakers must pass laws that strengthen support for women in the labor force who balance traditional caretaker and professional roles, such as the UAE’s Federal Decree Law No. 33, which protects women from labor market discrimination and provides maternal and childcare benefits and resources to working women. 
• Finally, policymakers in the Gulf should adopt legislation that requires employers to uphold gender quotas in the workplace, specifically within the STEM and business sectors. Implementing gender quotas in tandem with the social policies mentioned above could fast track progress in gender equality achievement by creating a “shock” effect on embedded male-dominated organizational systems. GCC policymakers should look to existing gender quota legislation in countries like Norway and the UAE and initiatives such as Athena SWAN, which works “to enhance gender equity in science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM).” 

Conclusion 

The dialogue for gender parity in the workforce is still ongoing, but GCC nations have the advantage of prioritizing female employment in tandem with economic diversification. Gulf women are the most educated demographic while being the least employed and largely excluded from the labor force. As the UN SDGs’ 2030 deadline approaches, harnessing female inclusion in nontraditional sectors like STEM and business is critical as the GCC transitions to a post-oil economic landscape. 

Salwa Balla, is a Young Global Professional with the Rafik Hariri and Middle East Programs. 

Iman Mohamed, is a Young Global Professional with the Rafik Hariri and Middle East Programs. 

The post The Gulf is lagging behind on gender equality. Here’s how it can catch up.  appeared first on Atlantic Council.

In a May 11 televised address, a representative of the Russian occupation administration in southern Ukraine’s Kherson region confirmed that an appeal would be sent directly to Russian President Vladimir Putin requesting annexation by Moscow. “The city of Kherson is Russia,” stated occupation administration deputy head Kirill Stremousov. “There will be no Kherson People’s Republic and no referendums. It will be a single decree based on an appeal from the leadership of the Kherson region to the president of the Russian Federation to make Kherson a fully-fledged region of Russia.”

Details of the Kremlin’s plans to directly annex Kherson follow weeks of rumors over alleged Russian preparations for a Crimea-style referendum in the region. In the wake of the 2014 Russian military takeover of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula, Moscow held an internationally unrecognized referendum in an attempt to legitimize the land grab. Many observers anticipated similar tactics would be used to set the stage for the annexation of Kherson.

It now appears the referendum ploy will not be repeated in southern Ukraine. The Russian military administration apparently has little confidence in its ability to stage-manage a plausible vote in Kherson region. This pessimism is understandable. Despite more than two months of occupation, opposition to the Russian presence remains vocal while the Ukrainian military continues to express confidence in the eventual liberation of the region. With heavy weapons now flowing into Ukraine from the West, Moscow appears to be in a hurry to declare Kherson part of Russia and consolidate its grip.

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Any attempt to officially annex Kherson Oblast would be entirely in line with the policies of imperial expansion that have been evident ever since Russian forces first occupied the region in the opening days of the war. Kremlin officials have engaged in the systematic suppression of Ukrainian state symbols and have attempted to block Ukrainian media, mobile operators, and online access. Schools have been forced to switch from the Ukrainian to the Russian national curriculum, while the Ukrainian hryvnia currency is being phased out and replaced by the Russian ruble.

Steps have also been taken to silence dissent and remove any potential threats to Russian authority. Working with local collaborators, Russian forces have conducted round-ups of potential regime opponents including elected officials, journalists, activists and military veterans. Those targeted for abduction face an uncertain future with the fate of many still unknown. Thousands more have been subjected to forced deportation and transported to isolated regions of the Russian Federation.

Official Russian rhetoric has sought to emphasize Moscow’s imperial ambitions in the region. During an early May visit to occupied Kherson, Russian Senator Andrei Turchak, who also serves as secretary general of Putin’s own United Russia political party, declared that the current Russian presence in southern Ukraine would be permanent. “Russia is here forever,” he stated. “There should be no doubt about this. There will be no return to the past.”

Russian plans to annex southern Ukraine make a mockery of Vladimir Putin’s frequent claims to be conducting a defensive “military operation” against Western encroachments into the Kremlin’s traditional sphere of influence. The Russian dictator has sought to justify the war by pointing to alleged threats posed by decades of NATO enlargement while arguing that Moscow merely seeks security guarantees. In reality, the Russian invasion of Ukraine is the most openly imperialistic endeavor since the days of Adolf Hitler. Putin is waging a war that combines the worst excesses of the totalitarian twentieth century with the brutality of nineteenth century colonial conquests.  

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Putin’s plans for the destruction of Ukraine should come as no surprise. The Russian ruler has never made any secret of his contempt for Ukrainian statehood and has written entire essays on the subject. Putin’s July 2021 treatise on the alleged “historical unity” of Russia and Ukraine remains the definitive reference material for anyone looking to fathom the depths of his Ukraine obsession, but it is far from the only evidence of his refusal to accept the reality of an independent Ukraine. Putin has long insisted Ukrainians are really Russians (“one people”) and routinely complains that modern Ukraine was established on historically Russian lands. More recently, he has taken to dismissing the entire country as an “anti-Russia” which can no longer be tolerated.  

Putin’s denial of Ukraine’s right to exist provides the ideological basis for today’s war of imperial aggression. Invading Russian soldiers and domestic Russian TV audiences alike are encouraged to view Ukraine as an illegitimate entity that has been artificially separated from Russia. Any Ukrainians who reject this interpretation and insist on a separate national identity of their own are regarded as traitors to the Russian motherland who deserve the harshest of punishment. For millions of ordinary Russians, the entire concept of Ukrainian independence has come to embody Russia’s post-1991 loss in status and the historical injustice of the Soviet collapse.

This radically revisionist worldview helps to explain the genocidal ferocity of the Russian invasion. Decades of pent up resentment and bitterness over the perceived post-Soviet humiliation of Russia is now flooding out in an orgy of hatred and violence targeting “treacherous” Ukraine. While Russian soldiers engage in the rape, torture and mass murder of Ukrainian civilians, Kremlin propagandists openly call for the annihilation of the Ukrainian nation. Meanwhile, independent opinion polls indicate overwhelming Russian public support for the war.

Ukrainians are under no illusions regarding Russia’s exterminatory intentions and understand that if they are not victorious, their country will cease to exist. However, many voices in the international arena have yet to fully grasp the sheer scale of Russia’s imperial ambitions and seem to believe some kind of negotiated settlement remains possible. This is dangerous wishful thinking. There can be no compromise with the Kremlin as long as Putin seeks to wipe Ukraine off the map.

Ukraine’s remarkable battlefield success during the first two months of the war has obscured the bigger picture of Russia’s imperial agenda and risks creating a false sense of security. Indeed, many now appear to take an eventual Ukrainian victory for granted, while French President Emmanuel Macron has already begun warning against the dangers of “humiliating” Russia. Such thinking will leave the problem of unreconstructed Russian imperialism unaddressed and will all but guarantee further wars of aggression.

Instead, it is vital to continue expanding international support for Ukraine until Russia is decisively defeated and forced to confront its crimes. Russia’s present military predicament may well make it more difficult to implement Putin’s plans for the annexation of southern Ukraine. However, Moscow will view any setbacks as temporary and Russia will continue to pose an international security threat until the imperial thinking that made the current war possible is consigned to the ash heap of history.

Peter Dickinson is Editor of the Atlantic Council’s UkraineAlert Service.

Further reading

UkraineAlert May 11, 2022

Kazakhstan cancels Victory Day in protest over Putin’s Ukraine War

By Wilder Alejandro Sánchez, Kamila Auyezova

Kazakhstan’s recent decision to cancel the country’s annual WWII Victory Day parade was a small but significant indication of Nur-Sultan’s opposition to the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Central Asia Conflict

UkraineAlert May 8, 2022

Vladimir Putin’s WWII victory cult is a recipe for international aggression

By Andrej Lushnycky

Vladimir Putin has transformed Russia’s traditional Victory Day commemorations marking the defeat of Nazi Germany into a nationalistic celebration of militarism that helps justify Moscow’s war of aggression in Ukraine.

Civil Society Conflict

UkraineAlert Apr 23, 2022

New stamp captures Ukraine’s resolve to defy Putin and defeat Russia

By Peter Dickinson

A new Ukrainian postage stamp commemorating an iconic act of resistance to Vladimir Putin’s invasion has become a symbol of surging patriotic pride and growing confidence in Ukraine’s eventual victory over Russia.

Civil Society Conflict

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Putin’s Imperial War: Russia unveils plans to annex southern Ukraine appeared first on Atlantic Council.

This holiday dates back to the end of WWII but it has undergone a dramatic upgrade during the reign of Vladimir Putin. Since coming to power at the turn of the millennium, Putin has transformed veneration of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany into something approaching a religious cult and has placed it at the heart of modern Russian national identity.

Under Putin, Victory Day has become the holiest day on the Russian calendar and a ubiquitous feature of patriotic propaganda. Meanwhile, anyone who dares question the Kremlin’s highly sanitized version of the “Great Patriotic War,” as WWII is still known in Russia, is treated with a severity once reserved for medieval heretics.

Putin’s victory cult serves a number of useful functions for the Kremlin. It has proved remarkably effective in reviving Russian patriotism following the humiliation of the Soviet collapse and the missed opportunities of the 1990s. It has also provided the perfect antidote to grim revelations of Stalinist terror while helping to whitewash the extensive crimes against humanity committed by the USSR during and after WWII.

The contemporary political implications of this victory cult go far beyond the need to reconcile modern Russians with their country’s troubling twentieth century history. By rehabilitating the Soviet past, Putin has succeeded in legitimizing the authoritarian present.

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Throughout Putin’s reign, Russia has enthusiastically deployed the language and symbolism of WWII as rhetorical weapons against the country’s perceived enemies, who are routinely denounced as “fascists” and “Nazis.” The list of domestic and international targets is necessarily long and includes more or less anyone who disagrees with the Kremlin. However, pride of place is reserved for Ukraine, which has long been portrayed by Russian officials and propagandists as the heir to Nazi Germany.

In recent years, this mythmaking has become a matter of life and death for millions of Ukrainians. Ever since the 2014 seizure of Crimea, the propaganda narrative of “Nazi Ukraine” has been used extensively to justify further Russian aggression against the country. Unsurprisingly, Putin claimed in his February 24 declaration of war that the primary goal of the current invasion was the “de-Nazification” of Ukraine.

For adherents of Putin’s victory cult, Ukraine’s Nazi status has become an article of faith that requires no evidence or further explanation. This belief in the “Nazi Ukraine” narrative has remained unchanged despite inconvenient facts such as the complete absence of far-right parties in the Ukrainian government or the 2019 election of Jewish Russian-speaker Volodymyr Zelenskyy as Ukrainian president.

Over the past ten weeks of full-scale warfare, the terms “Ukraine” and “Nazi” have become virtual synonyms within the Kremlin media bubble. Indeed, a high-profile article published by Russian state news agency RIA Novosti in April stated explicitly that “de-Nazification” actually meant “de-Ukrainization” and anticipated the destruction of the Ukrainian nation.

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After Vilnius: What’s next on Ukraine’s path to NATO?

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Russsia’s so-called “special military operation” in Ukraine is so inundated with false historical narratives rooted in Putin’s victory cult that much of the war-related commentary now coming out of the Kremlin is completely detached from reality and impossible to decipher without reference to the Kremlin’s twisted WWII mythology. This was most recently demonstrated by Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov’s anti-Semitic outburst on Italian TV, which saw him claim that Zelenskyy’s Jewish identity meant nothing as “Hitler also had Jewish blood.”

Putin and his colleagues desperately need a history lesson in the realities of WWII and the Soviet role in the conflict. While the Western allies were armies of liberation during WWII who brought democracy and long-term stability to much of Europe, the Red Army led an occupation that left tens of millions trapped behind the Iron Curtain. Modern Russia still refuses to recognize this uncomfortable truth, preferring instead to accuse the nations of Central Europe of ingratitude.

Every nation needs to question its past. Unfortunately, the Russian Federation under Vladimir Putin is actively engaged in denial. This includes attempts to justify many of the most shameful episodes of the Soviet era. The Kremlin is particularly sensitive to discussion of the August 1939 Nazi-Soviet Pact which divided Eastern Europe and directly sparked WWII. Putin has gone to remarkable lengths to defend the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and has criminalized any attempts to suggest Soviet responsibility for the outbreak of war.  

Modern Russia’s victory cult also seeks to nationalize the allied defeat of Hitler. It makes almost no mention of the US Lend-Lease Act that provided the USSR with close to USD 160 billion (in current dollar terms) in weapons and other vital supplies. Likewise, Putin’s transformation of Victory Day into a celebration of Russian nationalism means that the countless soldiers from other Soviet republics are largely airbrushed out of the Kremlin’s WWII narrative. Needless to say, rose-tinted Russian coverage of the war largely ignores the staggeringly callous use of Soviet troops as cannon fodder or the hundreds of thousands of Red Army soldiers executed by their own comrades.

Meanwhile, the Kremlin reacts with fury and indignation whenever attention is drawn to the widespread accounts of mass rape and other atrocities as the Red Army advanced into Central Europe. Russia’s failure to officially acknowledge these crimes is not merely an historical injustice. On the contrary, Moscow’s glorification of the perpetrators has helped create a sense of impunity that paved the way for the strikingly similar atrocities witnessed in recent months throughout the occupied regions of Ukraine.

Stalin’s vindication after WWII is one of the factors that makes Putin so reckless now. If Stalin could stand tall among the winners despite his heinous crimes and complete disregard for human life, why shouldn’t Putin accomplish something similar? The West’s readiness in 1945 to allow the partition of post-war Europe was a betrayal of Western values that sanctioned the triumph of one authoritarian system over another. Putin expects today’s Western leaders to display similar moral flexibility on the subject of Ukraine.

For the past two decades, Putin has distorted and weaponized the Soviet WWII experience in order to revitalize Russian nationalism and justify an expansionist foreign policy. The sheer scale of Soviet losses in the fight against Hitler has made many outside observers reluctant to criticize this trend, but it is now clear that Putin’s victory cult is a recipe for international aggression. It has created a menacing climate of militarism within Russia that has already spilled over into Ukraine with catastrophic consequences. Unless this cult is confronted and condemned, other countries will suffer a similar fate.

Andrej Lushnycky is president of the Ukrainian Society of Switzerland.

Further reading

UkraineAlert May 1, 2022

Finally! German MPs back heavy weapons for Ukraine in historic vote

By Vitaly Sych

The German Bundestag on April 28 finally agreed to supply heavy weapons to Ukraine in an historic vote that marked a departure from months of caution in Berlin and efforts to avoid confrontation with the Kremlin.

Conflict Corruption

UkraineAlert Apr 11, 2022

At what point do Russian war crimes in Ukraine qualify as genocide?

By Bohdan Vitvitsky

Evidence of Russian war crimes in Ukraine has shocked the world but there is not yet any international consensus over whether the mass killings of Ukrainians carried out by Vladimir Putin’s troops qualify as genocide.

Conflict European Union

UkraineAlert May 2, 2022

Lavrov’s anti-Semitic outburst exposes absurdity of Russia’s “Nazi Ukraine” claims

By Peter Dickinson

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov has sparked a diplomatic scandal with an anti-Semitic outburst that underlines the absurdity of Russia’s relentless “Nazi Ukraine” propaganda claims.

Conflict Democratic Transitions

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

Read more from UkraineAlert

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Vladimir Putin’s WWII victory cult is a recipe for international aggression appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Dr. Ana Maria Porras, Biomedical Engineer and the University of Florida, discusses STEM* cooperation between Colombia and the United States.

On June 1st, the Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center published its first book Allies: 28 Bold Ideas to Reimagine the US-Colombia Relationship. To view book contents and watch more visual essays, click here.

*STEM = Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics

A roadmap for a new type of engagement

This moment opens the door for a reimagined US partnership with Colombia based on a shared vision for a more prosperous, inclusive, and sustainable future.

Read more

May 26, 2022

Allies: Twenty-seven bold ideas to reimagine the US-Colombia relationship

As the United States and Colombia celebrate 200 years of diplomatic relations, it is time to think boldly and creatively about the future of this strategic partnership.

Read More

The post Allies: Video by Ana Maria Porras appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Carlos Vives, singer-songwriter, actor, businessman, and member of the Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center’s Advisory Council, discusses cooperation in the arts between Colombia and the United States.

On June 1st, the Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center published its first book Allies: 28 Bold Ideas to Reimagine the US-Colombia Relationship. To view book contents and watch more visual essays, click here.

A roadmap for a new type of engagement

This moment opens the door for a reimagined US partnership with Colombia based on a shared vision for a more prosperous, inclusive, and sustainable future.

Read more

May 26, 2022

Allies: Twenty-seven bold ideas to reimagine the US-Colombia relationship

As the United States and Colombia celebrate 200 years of diplomatic relations, it is time to think boldly and creatively about the future of this strategic partnership.

Read More

The post Allies: Video by Carlos Vives appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Videos and pictures are currently appearing across the country of young Russians showing their support for the invasion of Ukraine. Many of the children and teens featured in this pro-war content display the “Z” symbol that has become emblematic of the war following its adoption as a marker by Russia’s invasion force.

This emphasis on youth is no accident. It reflects concerns within the Kremlin that internet-savvy younger Russians are more resistant to state propaganda and have the knowledge to access censored information online. The emerging generation is also more likely to hold favorable views of Europe and the United States than older Russians who continue to get most of their information from Putin’s propaganda networks.

This caution is easy to understand, especially given the prominence of students and teens during a wave of protests that took place during the first weeks of the invasion. However, these protests have since died down amid indications that government intimidation tactics are proving effective. The Kremlin has encouraged Russians to rally round the flag by portraying the war as an existential struggle between Russia and the West. Meanwhile, anti-war messaging has been denounced as unpatriotic and anti-Russian.

The Kremlin’s polarizing “them and us” framing of the war has been amplified by Putin himself, who has called for a “self-cleansing of society” from “scum and traitors.” This is fuelling aggression against anyone on the wrong side of his dichotomy. In one recent incident, a young investigative journalist’s door in Moscow was targeted with graffiti declaring her a traitor. A young activist who went viral for reading the Russian constitution to riot police during protests in 2019 also recently found graffiti on her door reading “Don’t sell out your homeland, bitch.” In both cases, the menacing messages were accompanied by a “Z.”

Faced with the growing risk of political violence and grim economic prospects, tens of thousands of mostly young Russians are now fleeing the country to places like Turkey, Central Asia, and the South Caucasus. Since the war began on February 24, some estimates put the overall figure for this exodus at around 200,000 people. This includes many of the more progressive elements of Russian society such as independent journalists and tech sector professionals.

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With opposition to the war among young Russians largely sidelined or silenced, the Kremlin is escalating its long campaign to give Russian kids a “patriotic education” designed to secure their loyalty and shape their future ideological outlook.

Almost ten years ago, Putin called on Russian historians to develop a new history curriculum free from “internal contradictions and ambiguities.” The resulting revisionist version of history included efforts to rehabilitate the personal reputation of Josef Stalin and promote positive aspects of the Soviet era while emphasizing the USSR’s role in the victory over Nazi Germany.

Efforts continue to bring classroom teaching into line with Kremlin thinking. Recent additions to the curriculum have included materials justifying aggression against Ukraine. In Murmansk, schools have been requested to include new materials describing Ukraine’s “genocide against Russians” and the country’s supposed “anti-Russian path.” Teaching materials argue that Ukraine is a Nazi-friendly country controlled by the West.

At the end of March 2022, Russian kindergartens and schools began sharing posts showing their students working in support of the country’s “special military operation” in Ukraine. Children were made to write letters to the front with drawings of military symbols such as ribbons, carnations, the Russian flag, and the now omnipresent “Z.” At one school in Kaliningrad, children learned a new patriotic song redrawing Russia’s borders and featuring the lyrics: “from Donetsk to the Kremlin, from Lugansk to the Kremlin, from Alaska to the Kremlin, this is my motherland.”

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Politicized classrooms can have a profound long-term impact on children. Due to their typically narrow social circle, reliance on elders and authority figures, and limited awareness of history and current affairs, children are particularly vulnerable to the kind of indoctrination currently taking place in schools across Russia.

Similar processes are also underway outside of the Russian education system. For example, the Murmansk Youth Committee has been making headlines recently by mobilizing young people for rallies and propaganda videos. These mobilizations have included the involvement of the Murmansk-based North Fleet, which is a source of considerable local prestige and pride.

Many recent pro-war events featuring the participation of young Russians have also relied heavily on Russia’s Youth Army, an organization established in 2015 by Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu to train future military personnel. In recent weeks, Ukrainian intelligence sources have accused Russia of preparing to conscript underage children from the movement to help replenish mounting losses in the ongoing war.

Critics fear public displays of pro-war militarism may help to radicalize a new generation of Russians and lead to the kind of zealotry witnessed during the darkest days of the Soviet era, which saw campaigns encouraging children to denounce their own parents. There are already signs that such trends are reappearing in Russian society. When one Russian schoolteacher recently mentioned to students that she believed the invasion of Ukraine was a “mistake,” a student secretly recorded the exchange and turned her in to the authorities. The teacher received a RUB 30,000 fine and lost her job.

The next big date to watch is May 9 as the Kremlin gears up for its annual WWII Victory Day celebrations. Given Russia’s efforts to frame the invasion of Ukraine as a continuation of the heroic struggle against fascism, this national holiday is likely to be the largest pro-war event since the outbreak of hostilities in late February. The authorities will look to engage as many young Russians as possible and will be aiming to use the strong emotional pull of victory over Hitler to help legitimize the current war effort in Ukraine.  

While it is difficult to gauge exactly how effective Kremlin efforts have been in fostering pro-war sentiment among young Russians, the available data suggests considerable success. A March 31 survey by Russia’s leading independent pollster, the Levada Center, found that 71% of 18- to 24-year-olds backed the war, just 10% below the national average for all age groups. Meanwhile, a more recent Levada Center survey found that 54% in the 18-24 segment harbored negative attitudes toward Ukraine compared to an average among all respondents of 57%.

There is a real danger that the wave of fanaticism unleashed by the invasion of Ukraine will create a new generation of radicalized young Russians who enthusiastically embrace the toxic brand of militarism and extreme nationalism promoted by the Kremlin. This could prolong the current confrontation between Russia and the West for many decades to come, leading to the continuation of Putinism long after Putin himself has exited the world stage.

Doug Klain is an assistant director at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center in Washington, DC. Find him on Twitter @DougKlain.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Apr 14, 2022

The world must not allow Putin to bankrupt Ukraine into surrender

By Peter Dickinson

Russian war crimes in Ukraine have shocked the world but the systematic damage being done to the Ukrainian economy is also an important element of Putin’s invasion that requires urgent international attention.

Conflict Economy & Business

UkraineAlert Apr 9, 2022

Lend-Lease for Ukraine: US revives WWII anti-Hitler policy to defeat Putin

By Chris Alexander

The United States is reviving the WWII Lend-Lease program which helped defeat Hitler in order to dramatically increase arms deliveries to Ukraine and set the stage for Vladimir Putin’s eventual military defeat.

Arms Control Conflict

UkraineAlert Mar 6, 2022

Why Vladimir Putin is losing the information war to Ukraine

By Anders Åslund

Vladimir Putin has long enjoyed a reputation as a master of disinformation, but the Russian ruler is now clearly losing the global information war that is being waged alongside his invasion of Ukraine.

Civil Society Conflict

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post Putin’s Generation Z: Kremlin pro-war propaganda targets young Russians appeared first on Atlantic Council.

Putin’s solution was disarmingly simple but brilliantly effective. He set out to revive Russian patriotism by building a modern national identity around the Soviet Union’s role in the defeat of Nazi Germany. While WWII had always played a prominent role in shaping the national psyche, under Putin it would ascend to new heights as the defining moment in Russian history.

Far from being ashamed of their Soviet past, Russians were now told that they could be proud of belonging to a “victor nation.” Instead of dwelling on the millions of innocent victims murdered during the Stalin era, they should honor the righteous heroics of the Soviet war effort. 

This veneration of the Soviet WWII experience proved hugely popular with the Russian public. Over the past two decades, it has evolved into a quasi-religious cult complete with its own lexicon, rituals, monuments, and holy days. In 2020, it even received its very own cathedral.

As with any religion, heresy is not tolerated. Deviations from the officially approved narratives of the victor nation are subject to criminal prosecution and blasphemy is dealt with ruthlessly. In Putin’s Russia, there is no greater crime than to question the sanctity of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany.

The kleptocratic Putin regime has used this victory cult to establish the illusion of an ideological commitment to fighting fascism. In line with this anti-fascist posturing, opponents of the current Russian authorities are routinely branded as fascists and Nazis. These vague but emotive labels have been attached to a dizzying array of adversaries ranging from domestic dissidents to recalcitrant neighbors.  

Nowhere is modern Russia’s fixation with “phantom fascists” more immediately apparent than in Kremlin policy toward Ukraine. For years, Moscow has equated Ukrainian national identity with fascism while depicting Russian aggression in Ukraine as a continuation of the struggle against Nazi Germany.

The Kremlin’s absurd claims ignore the inconvenient reality that today’s Ukraine is a vibrant democracy with a popularly elected Jewish president and a far-right fringe that consistently fails to secure more than 2% in national elections. Instead, Russian audiences are encouraged to regard the present invasion of Ukraine as an anti-fascist crusade to rid the world of Hitler’s heirs.

Moscow’s efforts to portray the war in Ukraine as a battle against Nazism have been widely mocked and comprehensively rejected by the international community. These anti-fascist pretensions are rendered even more ridiculous by the country’s own steady descent under Putin into full-blown fascism. Indeed, the current war in Ukraine has led many to conclude that modern Russia is following in the footsteps of the fascist dictatorships it claims to oppose.

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Defining whether a regime qualifies as fascist is no easy matter. Indeed, as far back as 1944, George Orwell was complaining that the word “fascism” had become “almost entirely meaningless” and was simply used as a synonym for “bully.” Nevertheless, most definitions of fascism would indicate a dictatorial system of government marked by nationalism, militarism, xenophobia, revisionism and expansionism. Putin’s Russia unquestionably ticks all of these boxes.   

Russia completed its transition from authoritarianism to dictatorship following constitutional changes adopted in 2020 via a sham referendum that allowed Putin to remain in power until 2036. This confirmed his status as president for life and extinguished any lingering hopes regarding the possibility of Russia’s future democratic evolution. Since 2020, political opposition, independent media, and all forms of public protest have been subjected to new levels of suppression in Russia and ruthlessly crushed.

This process has accelerated in recent months as the Kremlin has sought to silence domestic opposition to the war in Ukraine. Draconian censorship laws have introduced criminal responsibility for any deviations from the official government narrative of a “special military operation” to “de-Nazify” Ukraine. Meanwhile, Putin’s speeches to justify the invasion have increasingly echoed the rhetoric of twentieth century fascist regimes. This has included calls for the purification of the nation and vicious denunciations of national traitors. 

Throughout his reign, Putin has consistently mobilized toxic nationalism as a key building block of his dictatorship. This process began in the early days of Putin’s presidency when he brought back the Soviet national anthem. It has continued to gain momentum ever since.

Following Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, the Kremlin embraced conservative nationalism as a safeguard against any similar pro-democracy uprisings inside Russia. This led to the formation of groups such as “Nashi,” a virulently nationalistic pro-Kremlin youth group that was widely compared to the Hitler Youth. In addition to the aforementioned victory cult surrounding WWII, Putin has also elevated the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in national life and promoted the idea of Russia as a “distinct civilization.”  

The rampant nationalism of the Putin era has been accompanied by growing militarism fostered by everything from films and TV serials to public holidays and the national curriculum for Russian schoolchildren. The militaristic mood in the country has reflected the realities of Putin’s foreign policy, with Russia at war for much of his reign. Prior to the current full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the country had waged a series of wars in Chechnya, Georgia, eastern Ukraine and Syria.

This militarism is now being further fanned in Russia by the use of the letter “Z” which has emerged as a symbol of Putin’s war in Ukraine after being used to identify vehicles within the invasion force. Russians are being encouraged to display Z’s wherever possible to show their support for the war, with many commentators comparing the increasingly ubiquitous letter to the Nazi Swastika.  

Efforts to generate popular support for the war effort appear to be working. A recent survey conducted by Russia’s only independent pollster, the Levada Center, found that 81% of Russians back the invasion. These findings are confirmed by a steady flow of videos and posts on social media in support of the war. At the same time, Russian anti-war protests have failed to gather any momentum and have instead remained underwhelming.

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As Putin’s Russia has moved closer to traditional definitions of fascism, the regime has increasingly embraced xenophobic narratives designed to dehumanize Ukrainians as the country’s most significant national enemy. Indeed, an essay published by Putin himself in July 2021 denying Ukraine’s right to exist and claiming Russians and Ukrainians are “one people” merely put into writing the racist beliefs he has long held and espoused. In addition to depicting Ukrainians as Nazis and extremists, Russian propaganda has long rejected the legitimacy of Ukraine as an independent state and dismissed the entire concept of a separate Ukrainian national identity as a foreign plot meant to divide and weaken Russia.

This anti-Ukrainian rhetoric has escalated alarmingly in recent months. On the eve of the current war, Putin condemned Ukraine as an intolerable “anti-Russia” run by “neo-Nazis and drug addicts” and accused Kyiv of occupying historically Russian lands. With Moscow now facing unexpected military setbacks and suffering painful battlefield losses, openly genocidal threats directed at Ukraine have become an everyday feature of Russia’s Kremlin-controlled mainstream media.

Putin’s revanchist foreign policy goals closely fit the fascism template and directly echo the revisionist agenda pursued by Adolf Hitler almost a century earlier. Like the Nazi leader before him, Putin has openly expressed his desire to challenge what he sees as the unjust verdict of a lost war. While Hitler sought to undo the Treaty of Versailles, Putin’s objective has been to reverse the outcome of the Cold War. Both dictators have framed their expansionist policies as sacred missions to rescue ethnic kinsfolk from artificial separation and foreign oppression. 

Putin refers to the breakup of the USSR as “the disintegration of historical Russia” and seeks to reunite what he regards as Russia’s rightful inheritance. First and foremost, this means reconquering Ukraine. The Russian ruler has sought to justify his aggressive foreign policy by claiming that large parts of today’s Ukraine were erroneously attached to the country by Vladimir Lenin during the early years of the Soviet Union. In other words, the current invasion is merely the latest and most extreme expression of Putin’s long-stated expansionist aims.

The disastrous results of Russia’s descent into fascism are now clear for all to see. In addition to transforming Russia into a dictatorship, Putin has unleashed a war of annihilation in neighboring Ukraine that both US President Joe Biden and his predecessor Donald Trump have condemned as genocide.

Russian war crimes in Ukraine have stunned global audiences but the atrocities we are now witnessing should really come as no surprise. On the contrary, they are the logical consequence of a dictatorial regime that has enthusiastically embraced nationalism, militarism, expansionism, and anti-Ukrainian xenophobia for many years in plain sight.

The international community must now urgently respond to the grave threat posed by Russian fascism before it is too late. This means dramatically escalating sanctions while providing Ukraine with the weapons it needs to defend itself. Vladimir Putin pretends to be “de-Nazifying” democratic Ukraine, but it is clearly Russia itself that requires “de-Nazification.”

Taras Kuzio is a Research Fellow at the Henry Jackson Society and author of the recently published “Russian Nationalism and the Russian-Ukrainian War.”

Further reading

UkraineAlert Apr 11, 2022

At what point do Russian war crimes in Ukraine qualify as genocide?

By Bohdan Vitvitsky

Evidence of Russian war crimes in Ukraine has shocked the world but there is not yet any international consensus over whether the mass killings of Ukrainians carried out by Vladimir Putin’s troops qualify as genocide.

Conflict European Union

UkraineAlert Mar 10, 2022

Not just Putin: Most Russians support the war in Ukraine

By Peter Dickinson

Many international commentators have pinned the blame for the Russian invasion of Ukraine solely on Vladimir Putin but the chilling truth is that an overwhelming majority of ordinary Russians also support the war.

Conflict Disinformation

UkraineAlert Apr 9, 2022

Lend-Lease for Ukraine: US revives WWII anti-Hitler policy to defeat Putin

By Chris Alexander

The United States is reviving the WWII Lend-Lease program which helped defeat Hitler in order to dramatically increase arms deliveries to Ukraine and set the stage for Vladimir Putin’s eventual military defeat.

Arms Control Conflict

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraine’s politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The post How Putin’s Russia embraced fascism while preaching anti-fascism appeared first on Atlantic Council.

The post Amb. Rahmani in Washington Post: The world must demand the Taliban stop restricting girls’ education appeared first on Atlantic Council.

This scenario is exactly what I feared would happen when the Taliban took over in August 2021. I feared that restrictive policies on women and girls, violations of human rights, and a totalitarian system would undermine and silence the education and progressive achievement of youth and adults in Afghanistan. That said, this decision by the Taliban has not shocked me–it has been clear from day one that the Taliban have not changed ideologically but are simply playing politics to to gain and sustain power. Now, however, they are using girls’ education and women’s freedom as political tools to negotiate their demand for recognition and foreign financial assistance to sustain their regime. This is one of the worst decisions that the Taliban enforced on society since taking over and is primed to have both social and political consequences in Afghanistan.

Though the Taliban said in a statement that the reason for school closures was due to technical issues related to school uniforms, it could simply be a political move. It may also have larger political consequences for the Taliban regime–they have broken the trust of the people of Afghanistan and the international community. The closure of girls’ education and restrictions on women’s activities are based on the Taliban’s ideological and political stances. Though the Taliban have used women’s and girls’ freedom and education as political tools to negotiate their demands for recognition and economic assistance, the decision to postpone girls’ access to education will have larger consequences for Afghanistan that the group may have not calculated. First, this decision could impact the flow of funding that was meant to address the ongoing economic and humanitarian crisis; it may also shift the momentum of international funding created in hopes of addressing Afghanistan’s severe humanitarian crisis. Second, the lack of transparency in the Taliban’s decision making system will further perpetuate the environment of mistrust in Afghanistan, especially since there have been voices across the country expressing their frustration with this news and many of whom are planning to leave the country, if they have not already.

What restrictions on girls’ education means for girls in Afghanistan

The announcement that schools would not open was the most devastating news Afghan girls could have heard when they were ironing their school uniforms and arranging their backpacks and books. For the past seven months, these girls have been dreaming of being back in the classroom with their teachers and classmates, retrieving some of their freedom and their place in society. An immediate negative impact of the decision to ban girls from attending secondary school is the interruption in their one year school schedule. 

Secondary schools for girls have been closed since the Taliban assumed power in August 2021 and girls have already missed a large portion of the current school year. For teenage girls in Afghanistan, attending school is a way to leave the boundaries of their homes and be part of a learning society. The act of attending school is a source of empowerment that gives them an identity, a presence, and self-esteem. Preventing girls from entering the gates of school due to their gender undermines their identity and wrongfully assures them that they have no place in the society of learning. Nothing could be more disastrous to girls’ self-esteem than to learn that their gender–something they cannot change–is the sole prohibitive characteristic denying them their education. 

This is an extreme act of cruelty that rulers can impose on a population who is still in their very early stages of growth and development. This experience can bring on emotional trauma and can have negative long-term impacts on how girls see themselves, which shapes their self-perception and behavior as well as their aspirations for the future. A young woman’s entire perception about her agency and life is affected by the decision of a ruling class which is totalitarian and misogynist by nature. Punishing a population because of its gender and undermining their capabilities by confining them to certain boundaries is a crime against humanity. 

What restrictions on girls’ education means for Afghanistan

These restrictions on girls’ education and women’s freedom of movement will further strengthen a patriarchal system, institutionalize structural violence in society, and normalize discrimination and violence against women. It will further embed misogynistic behaviors, including promoting girls’ child marriage, in a society that needs greater resistance to such behaviors. These decisions promote and allow structural discrimination to stay intact in a society that is already prone and ripe for structural violence. It also creates fear and frustration amongst the larger population about the future of girls’ education and broader restrictions that will further limit their growth and development. In fact, exploring options outside their own country to secure their daughter’s education is likely to be another factor for people to choose migration over staying in a restrictive homeland.

Considering all of these factors, the world should not abandon the women and girls in Afghanistan. It is imperative, more than ever, to amplify the voices of women and girls and enable the conditions for them to participate in education and work. In addition to opening schools, the focus should be on ensuring access to quality curriculum and textbooks, the hiring of qualified teachers, and the protection of girls once they resume school. A monitoring system should be in place to oversee the education system, including schools and universities, and ensure that girls are treated properly and protected. The Taliban continues to hold millions of girls hostage while using women and girls’ rights to negotiate their own political and financial demands.

The Taliban must not be given any more leverage. Instead, they should be held accountable for the damage they have caused and continue to inflict upon the people–and most critically the women and girls–of Afghanistan.

Dr Nilofar Sakhi is a non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s South Asia Center.

The South Asia Center serves as the Atlantic Council’s focal point for work on the region as well as relations between these countries, neighboring regions, Europe, and the United States.

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Consider the stakes. Russia has the fourth-largest scientific and technical workforce in the world. It has an especially strong publication record in materials science, artificial intelligence, and robotics.

Crucially, Russian science depends on Western cooperation. According to UNESCO, 24% of Russian scientific papers from 2017 to 2019 were co-authored with international partners, especially Americans and Germans.

Yet so far, while the NATO allies have been fairly unified in how to handle Russian banking, trade, technology and oligarchs, they have only nibbled at the edges of the scientific world. It is, of course, a big and complicated sector that spends more than USD 2 trillion a year globally.

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Universities aren’t banks that can be ordered to block a transaction. Their whole purpose is exchanging and developing knowledge across disciplines and borders. And they have for centuries provided handy back-channels for communications, distinct from formal and often dysfunctional government-to-government relations.

Operating in the same ethos, most government grant administrators try, within the limits of their national legislation, to support such exchanges and cooperation. For instance, the European Commission’s 37-year-old Framework Programs spent 10% of its budget on funding for researchers outside the EU in a deliberate policy to strengthen Europe by working with smart people across the globe. This includes Russians, who received EUR 14 million from 2014 to 2020.

In such a globalized and collaborative culture, the idea of cutting anybody off is shocking and only a war as shocking as that in Ukraine would suffice. But efforts to cut Russian academia off have barely begun.

The first response came, surprisingly, from Germany. Within 48 hours of the invasion, Germany’s research ministry ordered a suspension of institutional collaborations on research with Russia. The Danish government then followed suit. The European Commission was next, suspending R&D payments to Russian partners. The Dutch and Slovenian governments also suspended institutional ties. Finally, some of the European academic associations began speaking up. However, their counterparts in the US, UK and Canada have so far maintained an awkward silence.

The result has been a crazy-quilt of varying responses. In the US, MIT announced it is terminating its 11-year partnership with Moscow’s tech hub, Skolkovo. But in Belgium, the Ghent University rector declared he won’t drop a single activity from its big Russia Platform partnership. And around the world, official advice to universities has been slow and generally vague, leaving faculties to debate the issue internally by themselves.

In this vacuum, a consensus is slowly emerging in Western academia to punish the Russian institutions but not individual researchers or students. For instance, Boris Lushniak, Obama-era acting Surgeon General and now a dean at the University of Maryland, advises colleagues that they should avoid new collaborative projects with Russia, but not break existing obligations. In other words, respect Russian students and scholars already on Western campuses, but don’t invite new ones. Do keep up online ties and data-sharing with Russian colleagues, but don’t travel to scientific conferences in Russia or invite Russian scientists to those in the West. The intent is to send a clear message to Russian colleagues that something’s very wrong without cutting off all lines of communications with them.

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I suggest this kind of nuanced approach is a good start but would benefit from further elaboration. For instance, the type of research matters. There could be no practical harm and much good from continuing exchanges on humanities, social sciences, agriculture or most health fields including COVID-19. But collaboration on AI, robotics, quantum and space research pose far greater risks of helping Russian science in ways we wouldn’t want. And it’s easier to continue collaboration in early-stage research, which can take a decade or more to produce practical results, than in later-stage R&D. It’s a short hop from a quantum-computing demonstrator to a new crypto-code breaker.

Of course, you could argue to stop it all: no more joint projects, no more student exchanges, no more CERNs or International Space Stations. But that’s a terrible precedent for the global science endeavor: Today Russia, tomorrow China, the world’s second-biggest R&D country? The scientific world would balkanize, reversing 500 years of cooperative progress.

Let us also not forget the Russian scientists themselves. Hundreds of them have been brave enough to publicly sign an anti-war petition. It is worth remembering that during the Cold War, there would have been no Sakharov or Scharansky if the West had simply shut them out of the global scientific dialogue.

The situation is clearly complicated. Governments can’t issue blanket orders to Stanford or Imperial College the way they can to Intel or Deutsche Bank. Still, they need to send a message.

Funding agencies everywhere need to say, unequivocally, that they won’t pay the bills, at least for now, for research done with Russians. They need to suggest practical ways for individual universities and researchers to handle their Russian colleagues. This can involve reaffirming that it’s appropriate to maintain personal contacts and student exchanges, but not the right time for sensitive new projects. The current slowness to do so, virtually everywhere except in a few European capitals, is embarrassing and harmful.

Richard L. Hudson is editor-in-chief of European media company Science|Business, and former managing editor of the Wall Street Journal Europe.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Mar 2, 2022

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The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Act of 2017 requires Washington to promote the role of women and girls in peace, security, and conflict prevention. No global crisis raises these issues more poignantly than the one in Afghanistan. Despite US President Joe Biden repeatedly reiterating support for gender equality and the WPS agenda, his administration lacks a plan to implement it and its actions undermine the progress of twenty years of US investment in Afghan women and girls.

US withdrawal and absence from Afghanistan requires new and painful adjustments, including even strategically cooperating with the power most likely to fill the vacuum left by the US withdrawal: China. Engaging with Beijing may help to avert a further escalating humanitarian crisis and even unnecessary loss of life caused by Taliban rule.

At first glance, these two are unlikely bedfellows. China is notoriously allergic to international human rights promotion, and its foreign policy includes a non-interference pillar that limits it from becoming involved in the internal affairs of other countries. It also maintains diplomatic ties with the Taliban, provides it significant aid, and could even recognize its government. For precisely these reasons and more, China may be the best partner for the United States as it attempts to stabilize an increasingly desperate situation:

First, China has leverage with the Taliban. The five-billion-dollar annual budget of Afghanistan is in shambles without donor funds, and the US Agency for International Development’s recent moves to allow only certain types of humanitarian assistance have exacerbated the problem. Without US aid, Afghan authorities have no income to pay salaries for public workers. Teachers, doctors, and diplomats all received salaries from money that was aid-based. Neither China nor the Taliban are paying these salaries now, throwing the domestic economy into shambles. But China’s willingness to provide some economic support with “no strings attached” ensures it is on the list of foreign powers to whom the Taliban are most likely to listen. And the group is already lending an ear: Its acting minister of foreign affairs met with Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Doha in October.

Second, China and the United States share interests in Afghanistan. China’s likely goal is a soft landing for Afghanistan under the Taliban—one in which civilians are protected and the Afghan government is moderate, inclusive, and committed to fighting terrorism. These are the same core interests of the United States, which has been willing to pursue more aggressive tactics to achieve these goals than China—most notably by slapping sanctions on the large number of Haqqani Network members in the Taliban government. Yet rather than using sticks such as sanctions, China is more willing to use carrots like aid and recognition; that is precisely the reason why they could make an effective security partner for the United States in relation to Afghanistan.

Third, having China as a partner in Afghanistan is much better than the alternative: yielding the field entirely to China and effectively abandoning the nineteen million Afghan women and girls. These women are police officers and soldiers; are educated in or training for careers in law, medicine, and politics; and form a generation of peacemakers. The United States invested in democracy and progress in Afghanistan, but in yielding the field to China, it leaves the country vulnerable to the influence of an authoritarian power that wouldn’t maintain same investment in women. Rather, China’s key interests are in Afghanistan’s stability, which does not require improving circumstances for women and girls. Afghan women peacemakers have been arguing for years about how important it is for women to maintain their seat in dialogue with Taliban fighters and even predicted that the Taliban would violently return to power if women were left out of Afghanistan’s political and social fabric.

Skeptics may be concerned that China will use Afghanistan to expand its economic influence, particularly through its Belt and Road Initiative. They may also point out that China’s counterterrorism interests differ from those of the international community: To date, China appears willing to work with the Taliban government, especially after the Taliban promised to not allow Uyghur movements to operate on Afghan soil. These risks do exist: China is likely to economically exploit Afghanistan, and it continues to take a brutal approach to Xinjiang separatists, failing to distinguish between those using peaceful versus violent means.

Yet the United States has a moral obligation not to abandon Afghans completely and to ensure the safety of women and girls, even if the price may include working with adversaries in Beijing. Here’s how the two countries might cooperate to give Afghan women a better future:

New humanitarian corridors: The United States should create these corridors with China as a partner to funnel relief supplies to Afghanistan and assist women who, having missed evacuation flights from Kabul, still need to flee. In December 2021, the UN Security Council authorized broad sanctions exceptions for humanitarian aid, as risk of a health, food, and political crisis continue to grow. But women and girls are often the last to get humanitarian aid. Shared humanitarian efforts by China and the United States can help to ensure more equitable distribution of humanitarian assistance and even stave off the worst risks of starvation and increased refugee flows.

Continued high-level engagement with Afghan women leaders: The United States and China should host dialogues with Afghan women at the highest levels—with added emphasis on the United States’ role because it is the global power most keenly invested in spreading democratic values that uplift women and girls. Beyond the fact that the WPS Act of 2017 requires it, continuing that dialogue would keep the voices of Afghan women at the center of US policy on Afghanistan—which is key for US aid and support to be effective. Only by knowing what Afghan women truly want and need can the United States successfully engage China on the implementation of these goals. China also has incentives to improve its global reputation as a supporter of women as recent #MeToo scandals created renewed pressure on its hosting of the Winter Olympics.

Economic development: The United States and China can collaborate on improving the Afghan economy, with a logical first step being the education and empowerment of  Afghan women. Encouraging women’s participation in the workforce is smart economics, according to UN Women, for the benefits they bring to the economy. Excluding fifty percent of the population from a nation’s economic engine has a dampening effect on a country’s economic strength. Supporting women’s participation in the labor force at all levels—from seamstresses to journalists and entrepreneurs—strengthens the economy. China’s own path to economic modernization, which included harnessing the power of women in the labor force, can serve as a model to the Taliban of how much economic progress can be made in a short time when women are included. In the United States and China, examples of what women can contribute to the economy can show the Taliban, which already complains about “brain drain,” that through full economic participation, rather than limiting them or even violently threatening and harming them, women can reverse Afghanistan’s unique form of “brain drain” and open up economic and educational opportunities for all citizens.

Regional integration: US efforts to bring women to political and decision-making tables would be more successful if the United States had regional influence. China has already announced its desire to play a leading role encouraging Afghanistan’s greater integration with its neighbors. Washington is naïve to think that its “over the horizon” diplomacy—engaging with Afghanistan’s Western former donors—is sufficient or a substitute for similar regional effort and integration. It would be smarter for Washington to find a seat at the table next to China among Afghan neighbors to advocate for the inclusion and empowerment of women and girls rather than to stay outside the process. The “Six plus Two” group could be a more influential model for US efforts given current political realities. Whether Washington’s ascendant China hawks like it or not, the most likely foreigners to influence the Taliban are Afghanistan’s neighbors, most notably China.

Counterterrorism cooperation: The US withdrawal and closure of its embassy vastly limits the country’s ability to track terrorist and other nefarious activity, such as the proliferation of drugs or cybercrime, emanating from Afghanistan. China will have these resources and, where US and Chinese interests overlap, it makes sense to work together to combat ISIS-K and other international terrorist movements. The international community has already recognized the importance of the WPS agenda in effectively countering terrorism.

These recommendations would not only elevate the voices of Afghan women and girls but also create better security outcomes for all Afghan people (which, ultimately, is the point of the WPS agenda). It’s time for the Biden administration to look beyond its competition with China and realize that sometimes cooperation makes sense, even with one’s adversaries. The people of Afghanistan, especially its women and girls, deserve no less.

Sahana Dharmapuri is the director of Our Secure Future: Women Make the Difference based in Washington, DC. She is a globally recognized expert on gender and security issues. Her work has appeared at the Atlantic Council, the Harvard Kennedy School of Government, the McCain Institute, Foreign Policy, and other venues.

Eric Richardson is the author of Getting More Back in Diplomacy and is a retired US diplomat who served in Beijing and at the UN Human Rights Council. He is founder of the Geneva-based nongovernmental organization INHR and teaches international law at the University of Michigan and University of California, Berkeley law schools.

The post The United States must help Afghan women and girls—even if it requires partnership with China appeared first on Atlantic Council.

In this case, that country is the United Arab Emirates (UAE). But what is it exactly that makes the Emirati curriculum so exceptional and how do textbooks affect the prospects of peace in the Middle East?

Universal standardized education is a relatively new phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and, unlike in the West, curricula in many Arab or Muslim majority countries are written, published, and disseminated directly by the state. Textbooks are already uniquely authoritative, but that is even more the case in the MENA region. Students typically receive one book per subject per semester, which contain both the officially-approved knowledge and exercises students use to study. Recognizing this power, some authorities have weaponized education to foster negative feelings and beliefs about enemies of the state. This can be directed at ethnic minorities, entire religious groups, and countries far beyond their borders.

Historically, a primary target for demonization in the region has, unsurprisingly, been Jews and Israel. Through extreme religious interpretations, historical distortions, and, in some cases, outright conspiracy theories, some MENA countries use curricula to perpetuate broad-based fear and hatred. This deprives their youth of an alternative vision of peace and mutual prosperity.

In 2011, leadership in the UAE became acutely aware of this pattern and cracked down on the radicalism that the Muslim Brotherhood had fomented in the country for many years. Through a process of innovation and transformation beginning in 2016, they took steps to ensure that national education would serve the new Emirati interest.

Well before the signing of the Abraham Accords in 2020—which normalized ties between Israel and the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan—the UAE prepared the groundwork for real peace between peoples by leveraging the power of school textbooks. Students are prepared for a future in which national, ethnic, and religious pride coexists and complements values of openness, diversity, and global citizenship. A new comprehensive study by the Institute for Monitoring Peace and Cultural Tolerance in School Education (IMPACT-se) shows that the Emirati curriculum truly stands at the forefront of teaching these values and others throughout MENA region.

IMPACT-se has been examining school curricula since 1998, using United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)-derived standards as a universal benchmark. After reviewing 220 Emirati school books for grades 1-12 during the 2021-2022 school year, IMPACT-se has yet to see another curriculum that has transformed itself not only to comply with these standards, but to actually prepare its population for a new era of peace and tolerance.

What are students in the UAE learning that is so impressive? At source, the way children are learning is important. Students are taught to value curiosity, dialogue, and critical thinking rather than rote memorization. These values aren’t relegated to application within Emirati society alone. Textbooks convey to students the importance of interacting with people different from themselves, conveying that all people are entitled to respect and dignity, including non-Muslims, non-Arabs, and non-citizens of the UAE. Not only do they teach this as a principle, but they also show how it leads to tangible benefits for both individuals and society at large.

The curriculum also focuses on feelings and experiences that give life meaning: it speaks about a healthy lifestyle, having a positive attitude, and experiencing and sharing happiness with others—including those outside their community—as crucial to living a rich and fulfilled life. Lessons in textbooks praise love, affection, and familial ties with non-Muslims; speak positively about interfaith relations, especially in relation to Christianity; and teach tolerance and acceptance of Judaism. In a welcome change of pace, IMPACT-se’s report didn’t find any examples of anti-Semitism or incitement toward Jews in the Emirati curriculum.

What is truly groundbreaking, however, is how the UAE utilizes its expansive Islamic education materials to promote these values, lending the full weight of religious authority. Surahs and Hadiths in the Quran emphasize peace and tolerance toward non-Muslims alongside other guidance for living a righteous and pious life in accordance with the faith. It explicitly rejects extremism and violence as being features of Islam—to the contrary, the sheer amount of Islamic material teaching tolerance and respect of Christians and Jews is inspirational. These values are not only espoused in writing, but in images and illustrations throughout textbooks across multiple grades and subjects.

Within weeks after their signing, the Abraham Accords were incorporated into three separate Islamic education textbooks for grades six, eight, and twelve. Students are asked to write essays and presentations about the positive impacts of the treaty and anti-Israel material has been moderated if not removed altogether. Indeed, there are no longer passages that presented anti-Semitic tropes and conspiracies. While commitment to the Palestinian cause is taught, noteworthy is the removal of a passage that presented the issue as “the basis of conflicts in the Middle East.”

The textbooks take a realist approach when interacting with regional political and security issues. Iran is portrayed as a hostile actor and service of the homeland—including martyrdom in its defense—is praised. At the same time, practical lessons on conflict resolution and peacemaking can be seen as well and, while no curriculum is perfect, the main issues that need to be addressed are in relation to limiting gender roles, and, ironically enough, the appearance of Israel on certain maps as an outline without the country label.

It’s no coincidence that, within their first year of formal relations, Israel and the UAE have conducted an estimated $600 million worth of business transactions and hundreds of thousands of tourists have traveled between the two countries in the middle of a global pandemic. Compare this to other states that have made peace with Israel but their populations have yet to approach this level of economic and cultural exchange. Even if it were argued that the textbooks aren’t a causal mechanism, the support for peace and religious tolerance in the Emirati curriculum reflects a dramatic change in what values the UAE seeks to impart to the next generation. More importantly, what can be learned from the Emirati curriculum is that this kind of normalization doesn’t happen in a vacuum—it must be supported and fostered in the classroom.

Marcus Sheff is the CEO for the Tel Aviv and London-based Institute for Monitoring Peace and Cultural Tolerance in School Education (IMPACT-se). Follow on Twitter: @IMPACT_SE.

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The post The UAE education system is pushing for peace and religious tolerance. The rest of the region should follow suit. appeared first on Atlantic Council.

One of Russia’s oldest and most eminent human rights organizations addressing Stalinist-era repression, Memorial had earlier been included on the growing list of civil society organizations, media outlets and other institutions designated as “foreign agents” by the Russian authorities. This politically motivated legal framework is being used by the Kremlin to stifle pluralistic debate and free expression. The shuttering of Memorial’s vital work is a direct attack on history and memory in Russia.

Memorial’s forced closure carries special weight because of the organization’s singular role as a living archive for the stories, memories, and experiences of the millions who suffered under Stalin’s purges and other periods of Soviet repression. Controlling what constitutes “historical truth” and discouraging independent research is a chillingly effective tactic in consolidating authoritarian power, while also stigmatizing and discrediting human rights and civil society organizations.

Over the last two decades, Putin has mobilized the country’s politics of memory to serve his own political interests. The Russian government has forcibly bent the arc of the country’s historical narrative to diminish the individual voices of those who suffered under the Great Terror while glorifying the Soviet Union’s role in the allied victory over Nazi Germany. This narrative was even enshrined in the Russian Constitution in 2020.

It is no coincidence that during recent court proceedings, state prosecutor Alexei Zhafyarov attacked Memorial for its role in exposing Soviet crimes while emphasizing the importance of honoring Russia’s WWII legacy. “Why should we, descendants of the victors, be ashamed and repent, rather than take pride in our glorious past? Memorial is probably paid by someone for that,” the prosecutor argued.

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The International Coalition of Sites of Conscience, of which Memorial International is a founding member, works to ensure that the most challenging periods in history are remembered and used to spark dialogue about contemporary human rights issues. The Coalition’s members in Russia, including Memorial International, Perm-36, and Last Address, have reported increased government repression targeting memory initiatives and other efforts to cultivate space for open debate.

“For the last ten years, there has been a step-by-step process on the part of the government to create a universal narrative as to how the country should remember the past, stifling the voices of independent historians whose research does not conform to this narrative,” says Natalia Petrova, press attache at Memorial International. “Organizations like Memorial have received signals from the government about which stories and events are acceptable to examine and which are not.”

According to Petrova, one of the main themes that was originally sensitive for the state was the Second World War. In recent years, the list has expanded to include the Holodomor (1932-33) and the Katyn Massacre (1940).

“The government uses legislation, pressure, and propaganda in order to consolidate its narratives,” Petrova continues. “Organizations doing memory work that do not conform to the state narrative are shut down. Individual historians resort to self-censorship out of fear of harassment and intimidation. Society is divided and polarized due to the simplistic narratives pushed through traditional and online media.”

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Russia’s war on memory reaches well beyond its borders. Memorial’s closure is a symptom of a broader effort on the part of Putin to rehabilitate grand narratives about the USSR. These efforts have dovetailed with the war against Ukraine. For years, the Kremlin has continued to strongly telegraph the notion that Ukraine is not a fully sovereign country with its own culture, heritage, history, and language, but rather an extension of Russia.

“Russians and Ukrainians are one people, a single whole,” Putin stated in an essay published in July 2021. Following the annexation of Crimea in 2014, he downplayed the forced deportation of the Ukrainian peninsula’s 190,000-plus Crimean Tatar population under Stalin’s orders in 1944, commenting, “millions of people of various ethnicities suffered during those repressions, and primarily Russians.”

Meanwhile, the official policy for the Memorialization of Victims of Political Repression adopted by the Russian authorities in 2015 depersonalizes Soviet-era crimes. As scholar Maria Domanska puts it, this means “siding with the perpetrators rather than the victims.”

International support for organizations like Memorial as well as the many museums, archives, memory initiatives, and documentation centers in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and elsewhere in the region is needed now more than ever as the Russian government increases pressure on historical debate.

Cross-regional networks like the International Coalition of Sites of Conscience, as well as initiatives like the Repressed Art archive, are crucial to ensure that those working on memory in repressive contexts such as Russia are not vulnerable. They also provide important tools to help prevent state-led destruction of archival material.

Offering opportunities to the next generation of historians from Russia through scholarships, conferences, and fellowships will, as Petrova puts it, “ensure that those who are telling the stories that are forcibly excluded from the state’s grand narrative will be able to continue their important work.”

It is vital that the international community, which has demonstrated outsized support for Memorial’s cause through statements, assistance, and advocacy efforts, continues to draw attention to Memorial’s situation so that it stays in the news cycle.

The European Court of Human Rights has already taken up Memorial’s case by applying an interim measure to prevent the organization’s forced liquidation. It is equally important for other institutions such as the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), UNESCO, embassies and governments to support Memorial and other embattled organizations in Russia working to preserve the memory of the most challenging chapters of history.

Gina S. Lentine is Director of Development at the International Coalition of Sites of Conscience.

Further reading

UkraineAlert Jan 14, 2022

Western weakness has emboldened Putin and invited Russian aggression

By Tinatin Khidasheli

The West’s weak response to repeated instances of Russian aggression in the ex-USSR has emboldened Vladimir Putin and created today’s European security crisis, says former Georgian defense minister Tinatin Khidasheli.

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By Oleksii Reznikov

The international community must urgently demonstrate its resolve to punish Russia in order to deter a full-scale invasion of Ukraine that would plunge Europe into chaos, warns Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov.

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UkraineAlert Jan 13, 2022

Russia Crisis: War fears mount as West rejects Putin’s ultimatum

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A week of high-stakes meetings between Kremlin officials and their US, NATO and OSCE counterparts has failed to defuse tensions in Eastern Europe or reduce the threat of a full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine.

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The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

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In 2020, Ukraine’s annual IT exports topped USD 5 billion for the first time. The country’s IT sector currently employs over 200,000 people, with rapid expansion creating a new class of upwardly mobile and comparatively well paid young tech professionals in most major Ukrainian cities. The industry has consistently posted double digit annual growth throughout the past two decades and is on track to contribute 10% of Ukrainian GDP within the coming few years.

This IT success story is due to a combination of factors including Ukrainian talent, a strong education system, creative vision, and a regulatory framework designed to enhance growth. The time has come to repeat this success in the manufacturing sector.

During the first half of 2021, manufacturing accounted for 11.7% of Ukrainian GDP, the highest share for the past three years. Ukrainian manufacturers already work with a wide range of leading international brands including the likes of Porsche, IKEA, Heinz, Nestle, Bentley, and Unilever.

Ukraine has many of the attributes necessary to become a major international manufacturing hub. Advantages include a favorable geographical location close to European and Middle Eastern markets, entrepreneurial and highly educated human capital, and competitive costs. 

However, until recently, Ukraine lacked a number of key components needed to build on its obvious manufacturing potential. Crucially, there was no clear vision for the development of the manufacturing sector or appropriate regulatory basis for growth.

This is now changing. A presidential initiative providing state support for investment in the manufacturing sector offers great potential. Meanwhile, a range of additional measures such as incentives for companies setting up production facilities and efforts to advance judicial reform represent positive and long overdue signals for Ukrainian and international investors.

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